| Literature DB >> 18609404 |
Katy Carlson1, Michael Walsh Dickey, Lyn Frazier, Charles Clifton.
Abstract
In English, new information typically appears late in the sentence, as does primary accent. Because of this tendency, perceivers might expect the final constituent or constituents of a sentence to contain informational focus. This expectation should in turn affect how they comprehend focus-sensitive constructions such as ellipsis sentences. Results from four experiments on sluicing sentences (e.g., The mobster implicated the thug, but we can't find out who else) suggest that perceivers do prefer to place focus late in the sentence, though that preference can be mitigated by prosodic information (pitch accents, Experiment 2) or syntactic information (clefted sentences, Experiment 3) indicating that focus is located elsewhere. Furthermore, it is not necessarily the direct object, but the informationally focused constituent that is the preferred antecedent (Experiment 4). Expectations regarding the information structure of a sentence, which are only partly cancellable by means of overt focus markers, may explain persistent biases in ellipsis resolution.Mesh:
Year: 2008 PMID: 18609404 PMCID: PMC2713347 DOI: 10.1080/17470210701880171
Source DB: PubMed Journal: Q J Exp Psychol (Hove) ISSN: 1747-0218 Impact factor: 2.143