Literature DB >> 26085004

Keep it local (and final): Remnant preferences in "let alone" ellipsis.

Jesse A Harris1, Katy Carlson2.   

Abstract

The let alone construction (John can't run a mile, let alone a marathon) differs from standard coordination structures (with and or but) by requiring ellipsis of the second conjunct--for example, a marathon is the remnant of an elided clause [[see text] a marathon]. In support of an ellipsis account, a corpus study of British and American English finds that let alone exhibits a Locality bias, as the second conjunct preferentially contrasts with the nearest lexical item of the same syntactic type. Two self-paced reading studies show that the Locality bias is active during online processing, but must be reconciled with indicators of semantic contrast and discourse information. Further, a sentence-rating study shows that the Locality bias interacts with a Finality bias that favours placing the let alone phrase at the end of a clause, which sometimes necessitates a nonlocal contrast. Together, the results show how a general bias in ellipsis for local contrasts is affected by discourse demands, such as the need for scalar contrast imposed by let alone, thereby offering a window into how possibly divergent syntactic and discourse constraints impact sentence processing.

Entities:  

Keywords:  Corpora; Ellipsis; Scalar contrast; Self-paced reading; Sentence comprehension

Mesh:

Year:  2015        PMID: 26085004      PMCID: PMC4744152          DOI: 10.1080/17470218.2015.1062526

Source DB:  PubMed          Journal:  Q J Exp Psychol (Hove)        ISSN: 1747-0218            Impact factor:   2.143


  13 in total

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Journal:  Cognition       Date:  2010-11-11

2.  Are generalised scalar implicatures generated by default? An on-line investigation into the role of context in generating pragmatic inferences.

Authors:  Richard Breheny; Napoleon Katsos; John Williams
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3.  Processing the noun phrase versus sentence coordination ambiguity: thematic information does not completely eliminate processing difficulty.

Authors:  John C J Hoeks; Petra Hendriks; Wietske Vonk; Colin M Brown; Peter Hagoort
Journal:  Q J Exp Psychol (Hove)       Date:  2006-09       Impact factor: 2.143

4.  Processing focus structure and implicit prosody during reading: differential ERP effects.

Authors:  Britta Stolterfoht; Angela D Friederici; Kai Alter; Anita Steube
Journal:  Cognition       Date:  2006-09-20

5.  THE SYNTAX-DISCOURSE DIVIDE: PROCESSING ELLIPSIS.

Authors:  Lyn Frazier; Charles Clifton
Journal:  Syntax       Date:  2005-08

6.  Information structure expectations in sentence comprehension.

Authors:  Katy Carlson; Michael Walsh Dickey; Lyn Frazier; Charles Clifton
Journal:  Q J Exp Psychol (Hove)       Date:  2008-04-18       Impact factor: 2.143

7.  The Role of Only in Contrasts in and out of Context.

Authors:  Katy Carlson
Journal:  Discourse Process       Date:  2013

8.  When children are more logical than adults: experimental investigations of scalar implicature.

Authors:  I A Noveck
Journal:  Cognition       Date:  2001-02

9.  Memory operations that support language comprehension: evidence from verb-phrase ellipsis.

Authors:  Andrea E Martin; Brian McElree
Journal:  J Exp Psychol Learn Mem Cogn       Date:  2009-09       Impact factor: 3.051

10.  Focus identification during sentence comprehension: evidence from eye movements.

Authors:  Kevin B Paterson; Simon P Liversedge; Ruth Filik; Barbara J Juhasz; Sarah J White; Keith Rayner
Journal:  Q J Exp Psychol (Hove)       Date:  2007-10       Impact factor: 2.143

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  3 in total

1.  Zero-Adjective Contrast in Much-less Ellipsis: The Advantage for Parallel Syntax.

Authors:  Katy Carlson; Jesse A Harris
Journal:  Lang Cogn Neurosci       Date:  2017-08-22       Impact factor: 2.331

2.  Information Structure Preferences in Focus-Sensitive Ellipsis: How Defaults Persist.

Authors:  Jesse A Harris; Katy Carlson
Journal:  Lang Speech       Date:  2017-11-09       Impact factor: 1.500

3.  Structure Modulates Similarity-Based Interference in Sluicing: An Eye Tracking study.

Authors:  Jesse A Harris
Journal:  Front Psychol       Date:  2015-12-18
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