Natalie Thomas1, Katinka van de Ven2, Kyle J D Mulrooney3. 1. Centre for Rural Criminology, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia; School of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia. Electronic address: natalie.thomas@une.edu.au. 2. Centre for Rural Criminology, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia; Drug Policy Modelling Program, Social Policy Research Centre, UNSW, Sydney, NSW, Australia. 3. Centre for Rural Criminology, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia; School of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia.
Abstract
INTRODUCTION: Over the past decade, there has been mounting recognition that opioid use and related mortality and morbidity is a significant public health problem in rural, non-urban areas across the globe. Taking what has been termed the 'opioid crisis' as a starting off point, this article aims to systematically review the qualitative literature on the ways in which rurality shapes the risk for opioid-related harm. METHODS: A systematic review was undertaken using database searches and secondary reference list searches for qualitative literature on rural and non-urban opioid-related harms. A total of 32 qualitative studies met the inclusion criteria. Data extraction was performed in NVivo 12 using a codebook based on the 'risk environment' framework. RESULTS: The findings explore how rurality shapes the risk environment for opioid-related harms through four environment influences: (1) economic conditions, including economic transition and deindustrialisation that has occurred in many rural areas, and the high levels of economic distress experienced by rural residents; (2) physical conditions, including a lack of infrastructure and recreation opportunities, larger geographic distances, and limited transportation; (3) social conditions, where social networks could be both protective but also amplify risk through a lack of knowledge about treatment and risk behaviours, a lack of anonymity and stigmatisation of people who use opioids in rural areas; and (4) policy conditions including limited coverage and availability of harm reduction and drug treatment services, and stigmatising service provider practices. CONCLUSIONS: The impact of rurality on risk of opioid-related harm is multifaceted. We suggest that future research on rural opioid use would benefit from drawing on the theoretical toolkit of rural criminology to attend to the ways the 'rural crisis', and attendant insecurities, anxieties and strains, impacts upon rural communities and shapes risk, along with how socio-cultural characteristics of the rural 'organise' risks of drug use.
INTRODUCTION: Over the past decade, there has been mounting recognition that opioid use and related mortality and morbidity is a significant public health problem in rural, non-urban areas across the globe. Taking what has been termed the 'opioid crisis' as a starting off point, this article aims to systematically review the qualitative literature on the ways in which rurality shapes the risk for opioid-related harm. METHODS: A systematic review was undertaken using database searches and secondary reference list searches for qualitative literature on rural and non-urban opioid-related harms. A total of 32 qualitative studies met the inclusion criteria. Data extraction was performed in NVivo 12 using a codebook based on the 'risk environment' framework. RESULTS: The findings explore how rurality shapes the risk environment for opioid-related harms through four environment influences: (1) economic conditions, including economic transition and deindustrialisation that has occurred in many rural areas, and the high levels of economic distress experienced by rural residents; (2) physical conditions, including a lack of infrastructure and recreation opportunities, larger geographic distances, and limited transportation; (3) social conditions, where social networks could be both protective but also amplify risk through a lack of knowledge about treatment and risk behaviours, a lack of anonymity and stigmatisation of people who use opioids in rural areas; and (4) policy conditions including limited coverage and availability of harm reduction and drug treatment services, and stigmatising service provider practices. CONCLUSIONS: The impact of rurality on risk of opioid-related harm is multifaceted. We suggest that future research on rural opioid use would benefit from drawing on the theoretical toolkit of rural criminology to attend to the ways the 'rural crisis', and attendant insecurities, anxieties and strains, impacts upon rural communities and shapes risk, along with how socio-cultural characteristics of the rural 'organise' risks of drug use.
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