| Literature DB >> 34432927 |
Lindsay Welch, Euan Sadler1, Anthony Austin2, Anne Rogers1.
Abstract
BACKGROUND: How people with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) engage with supportive social networks to enhance self-care is not understood. The personal rationales for participation in socially directed support have not been addressed in the literature. To determine how people with COPD identify, engage and participate in socially supportive self-care practices, we conducted a systematic review and meta-ethnography of qualitative studies.Entities:
Keywords: chronic obstructive pulmonary disease; long-term conditions; management; qualitative meta-ethnography; self-care; self-management engagement; social network participation
Mesh:
Year: 2021 PMID: 34432927 PMCID: PMC8628589 DOI: 10.1111/hex.13340
Source DB: PubMed Journal: Health Expect ISSN: 1369-6513 Impact factor: 3.377
Figure 1Prisma flow diagram of literature review and selection. COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
Inclusion and exclusion criteria
| Inclusion criteria | Rationale |
|---|---|
| Qualitative studies focused on personal narratives and the perspectives of people with COPD | The aim is to integrate and reinterpret qualitative findings |
| Studies discussing people with COPD | To provide specificity of the long‐term condition and the nature of the types of interventional studies |
| Studies addressing the broad concepts of socially supportive social networks in COPD self‐management or engagement and social participation in network support | To understand participation in social supportive self‐care or self‐management support |
| Fulfils quality criteria | Guidelines for quality appraisal to ensure that the methods and analysis of the selected studies were rigorous. |
| Exclusion | Rationale |
| Non‐English Language | Unable to interpret or integrate |
| Focused on a nuanced area of COPD care delivery (pulmonary rehabilitation or oxygen therapy) | Interventional specificity |
| Focused on a single self‐management intervention (a specific eHealth programme) | Interventional specificity |
| Not disease‐specific | Not specific to the investigational population |
| If the studies are from the perspective of health professionals or carers alone | Not a personal narrative from a person with COPD |
Abbreviation: COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.
Data extraction table
| Methods and concepts | Slevin et al. | Sheridan et al. | Apps et al. | Fotokion et al. | Franklin | Zeb et al. | Glenister et al. | Willard‐Grace et al. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sample | Convenience sample, a selection of 30 COPD patients with no life limiting comorbidities. | Pragmatic sampling of 2 groups: Rural and poor urban. Grouped for ethnicity, all of whom have had two or more admissions due to COPD in the last 12 months. Group 1 = 13, Group 2 = 21, | Patients with mild‐ moderate COPD in primary care. An opportunistic sample. | An Iranian criterion‐based and purposive sampling of people with COPD over 60 years of age, their family care giving or HCP. They had to have the ability to explain their experiences | Literature review of six databases using Boolean logic from 2004 to 2010. 5106 articles CASP reviewed. | 13 People with COPD, purposeful sampling in an outpatient clinic in Northern Pakistan, of lower socioeconomic status and in joint families | A convenience sample of 14 people with COPD consented to interview, recruited from a subregional Australian hospital | 36 Participants, low‐income, minority population with psychiatric conditions and substance use, and household instability |
| Data collection | Semi‐structured interviews and in‐depth questionnaires with open‐ended questions to ascertain use of DHT for SMS | In‐depth exploratory interviews conducted in the home, using an interview topic guide in the native or preferred language | Face‐to‐face semi‐structured interviews (nested in a larger quant SMS study). Using the Braun and Clarke framework | Grounded theory, in‐depth semistructured interviews | PRISMA statement used to guide qualitative synthesis | Face‐to face semistructured interviews conducted over 2 months in 2019 | Qualitative semi‐structured interviews. Thematic analysis, to remain aligned to the data and not overanalyse the text | In‐depth semi‐structured interviews with participants, clinicians and health coaches |
| Thematic synthesis and interpretivist approach to analysis. Thomas and Harden 3 principles for thematic synthesis | Interpretive phenomenological analysis used to capture the detail of the lived experience | |||||||
| Overarching concept or study purpose | COPD patients' perceptions of the benefits of DHT and how this will support their SM | Understanding the experience of living with COPD in differing ethnic populations. Managing symptoms and therapies, self‐care and receiving healthcare. Understanding the ability to self‐manage | Experiences of dyspnoea, personal perceptions of COPD and the expectations of understanding of self‐management strategies | How people act and respond to problems that they encounter in SMS. An exploration of COPD elder empowerment as an interactional concept | The aim was to deepen the understanding of self‐management, and the aim of people was to maintain a ‘normal’ life through perceptions and experience of patients | The aim is to explore the role of the family in self‐care in people with COPD | To understand the experience of COPD and social connectedness in a rural context. An understanding in ageing‐in‐place with COPD | Understand the effectiveness of lay health coaching to meet the needs of vulnerable people with COPD. Health coaches MI‐trained |
| Patient perceptions of disease management with DHT and treatment | ||||||||
| Experiencing and understanding the disease and symptoms | Patients believe that DHT monitoring will support their decision making around accessing healthcare resources | Reports of struggling to live with debilitating symptoms of breathlessness and fatigue. Diagnostic uncertainty and an uncertain trajectory | Adapting to symptoms, diagnostic uncertainty and uncertainty of progression, unsure how to manage exacerbations or exercise | Striving to keep abreast of life by information‐seeking from peers and nonprofessionals | Patients reported knowing that they have responsibility, but finding it too hard to put into practice. Expectations were too high | The disease is a curse from god, and prayer can be a weapon against it | Learning to cope with an illness and adaptations to a new normal. | Lay explanations of disease and support with aspects of a person's life that they value the most |
| Diagnostic and disease progression uncertainty | Western medicine is unaffordable and traditional remedies are used | Learning when to seek help | ||||||
| Accountability, responsibility and blame | DHT could foster ‘self‐efficacy’, increasing the confidence in the ability to take on and manage tasks associated with the disease | Feelings of helplessness, letting go, going with the symptoms | Issues with the redistribution of everyday tasks or usual family work. Overall, though, a lack of symptom control was felt | Extrinsic societal influences can enhance or destabilize an elderly patient's life. Often, elders undertake poor self‐treatment or incorrect self‐treatment | People would prefer to balance illness and work with existing habits. | Self‐care is a privilege for the rich. Avoiding triggers and aggravating symptoms often were at odds with warmth and food—basic needs | Not addressed | Managing illness and changing health behaviours are internalized |
| Self‐blame in the European participants reinforced by guilt and shame | The need to make the ‘right choices’—requires discipline, but have self‐blame and guilt | |||||||
| Participating in care | DHT has the potential to optimize the consultation experience by empowering people to participate in collaborative conversations using their DHT recordings | Participants had no recollection of SMS strategies and no understanding of early symptom recognition. Conflicting information provided by HCP; however, people valued established relationships with HCP | Not addressed | Often, they are preparing to ‘do battle with disease’ and to cooperate with HCP and family. This requires trust in HCP | Challenges in the practical application of knowledge. Peopled valued being listened to along with consideration of individual circumstances | Priorities of faith, cultural and traditional approaches to self‐ | Knowing and building relationships with doctors and GPs. Positive relationships, and open, candid conversations were valued | Enhanced participation in care, through lay support |
| Enabling participation through supportive negotiation of services. Health coaches are not doctors, less judgemental | ||||||||
| Psychosocial needs in SMS | Patients perceive that DHT could reduce feelings of anxiety associated with their COPD as they monitor symptoms and can access advice | Faith in god, the church and family were the most valued activities in the Pacific islander groups. These came before disease and health | Success in the redistribution of work and tasks can help to aid SMS in COPD; however, this can reduce social role, positioning and importance | Peer information‐seeking; not always correct information is often valued. Nurses are viewed as translators of care, especially for illiterate people | Patients preferred to discuss psychosocial issues and personal experiences. Linear scoring disease in terms of management by HCP increased anxiety, not compliance | Reciprocal family priority supported people with the burden of their disease and in their self‐care. Therefore, the emotional, financial and physical support with the disease was selflessly absorbed by the family. Distant and close relatives genuinely made themselves available to provide care emotionally and physically | Loss of social identity and loss of social role (job loss) | Focus on psycho‐social needs. Housing and environment |
| A wish to reduce dependencies | Relational aspects of care most valued | |||||||
| Main findings or theory (second‐order construct) | DHT improves the capacity and understanding to respond to symptom changes, i.e., exacerbations of COPD, and prompts patients to make proactive decisions regarding their treatment | Differences arise between the European and Pacific Islander groups. Negative attitudes towards SMS due to self‐blame and social isolation; these were conversely positive in the Pacific islanders due to associations with the church and the value of family | Independent initiation of self‐care behaviours through experience with no formal support. Unaware that this is SMS, and often, participants lacked confidence in initiating formal clinical management of COPD | Knowing—The knowing that is derived from experiential constructs can both positively and negatively influence care participation decisions | Dominant finding = the dominance of the traditional model of care in the context of individual responsibility and accountability. Overarching reporting structures direct care away from truly patient‐centred approaches. Patients value a broader set of social influences that shape behaviours | The priority is family and children, in a resources poor setting they are the priority and care is provided by the family | The importance of inclusion rather than isolation for disease support | Value of relationship building and trusting relationship in lay supporters is highly beneficial for people with COPD |
| Value of the ‘inclusive village’ | ||||||||
| Community support (bus drivers and others) supporting to maintain independence | ||||||||
| Third‐order constructs—developing a line of argument | DHT validates complex symptoms; this validation reduces anxiety. | Helplessness feeds a poor perception of disease control. | Evolution of self‐care through experiential learning and working through | Attribution of knowing and building a personal disease skill set. Learning through |
| Family support within the nuclear family and within the wider family was encouraging and motivating | Importance of work–life balance to maintain independence and face | Relationships and valued opinions of peers and lay support |
| Furthermore this ‘evidence of symptoms’ supports collaborative conversations and levels of healthcare consultations |
|
Abbreviations: COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease; HCP, health care professional.
Analytical framework
| Metasynthesis | Ontological positioning | Inclusion | Framework analysis | Indexing | Output |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Integrative and interpretive | Interpretivist | All qualitative studies included | Codes clustered around new ideas | Reapplication of the codes | New themes or concepts |
| Predefined research question |
Translation of the key concepts through the studies—postdata extraction
| Second‐order interpretations | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper | Evidence in the paper |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Paper 1 Slevin et al. | Paper 2 Sheridan et al. | Paper 3 Apps et al. | Paper 4 Fotokion et al. | Paper 5 Franklin et al. | Paper 6 Zeb et al. | Paper 7 Glenister et al. | Paper 8 Willard‐Grace et al. | |
| Balancing social network participation with self‐care accountability and personal responsibility | Digital health technology (DHT) fosters self‐efficacy and independence. Increases confidence in completing SMS tasks associated with COPD | Helplessness undermines a personal ability to engage in SM | People with COPD reported being unsure of what constitutes an SM activity | Independence seeking; older people with COPD seek to reduce dependencies on others | An assumed responsibility and accountability for making the right care or treatment choices | People balance self‐care with finances and family. Often accountable for their care, but choosing to put family first | Understanding the experiences of COPD and social connectedness in a rural context | Managing illness and changing health behaviours can be internalized |
| Often leading to devising personal management strategies | Challenging to discuss with professionals | |||||||
| The value of positive engagements with healthcare professionals where socially supported self‐care is relevant | DHT promotes an equal discussion with health professionals. DHT records evidence of symptoms and supports articulation of symptoms in consultations | Frustration over conflicting information from health professionals (issues with negative consultations) | HP can support people with COPD to gain the maximum benefit from their SM endeavours | People engage in care processes only with trusted healthcare providers | People reported that generic education was not relatable. People wanted strategies to apply knowledge to individual situations | Access to formal care provision is at a cost. Relationships are with informal healthcare providers and lay healers | Positive relationships and open, candid conversations were valued with local rural healthcare professionals | Lay coaching bridges this relationship. Aids service negotiation and honest conversations |
| People would value recognition of personal health status, mood and issues | ‘Unheard’ patients reduced SM | |||||||
| Developing a personal understanding of illness through social participation and shared and personal experiences | DHT prompts personal proactive responses to symptom changes | Decisions shaped by experiences of failure in SM | Strength loss and fatigue not associated with COPD | External information‐seeking through peers. This information was deemed more accessible | People reported having poor understanding of what constituted healthy and unhealthy choices | The family, spirituality and community are highly valued. Some health beliefs are culturally nuanced, such as the belief that disease is a curse from god | Learning to cope with and balance social life and adapt to new illness symptoms, learning when to seek help and link with others | Lay explanations of disease and support with aspects of a person's life that they value the most |
| COPD confused with asthma, so misleading illness trajectories | Trial and error adaptations to daily living were most acceptable | Knowing that is derived from experiential constructs | ||||||
| Recognizing the importance of social networks to guide and validate personal choices in people with COPD | Reassurance of support through online/offline feedback | God, church and the family valued above all other things | Poor social networks lead to frustration, unable to link with others. Positive networks foster discussions to adapt tasks and SM with other network members | Familial groups can empower people by providing communication channels to the outside world | The behaviours and choices of people with COPD were shaped by a broader social context | Self‐care is encouraged and delivered by the extended family, including emotional and social needs. It is a selfless act, valued and encouraged | Learning when to seek help, from the community through a community infrastructure | Focus on psychosocial needs, housing and environment |
| Although not a person, people valued discussion around their condition | Social isolation adds to the emotional burden | Relational aspects of care most valued | ||||||
| Cultural value of social networks, people living alone struggled with SM |
Abbreviation: COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.
Figure 2Principles of enactment and engagement. Further synthesis of second‐order to third‐order themes. COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
Figure 3(A) Above: Enactment and engagement of SMS in COPD, the dependence/experience continuum. (B) Below: Adapted conceptual model to depict grouping of people based on independence, experience, symptoms and ability to be reciprocal. COPD, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease