| Literature DB >> 34093300 |
Petra Potmesilova1, Milon Potmesil2.
Abstract
This review study was conducted to describe how temperament is related to school readiness. The basic research question was whether there is any relationship between later school success and temperament in children and, if so, what characterizes it. A systematic search of databases and journals identified 27 papers that met the two criteria: temperament and school readiness. The analytical strategy followed the PRISMA method. The research confirmed the direct relationship between temperament and school readiness. There is a statistically significant relationship between temperament and school readiness. Both positive and negative emotionality influence behavior (especially concentration), which is reflected in the approach to learning and school success.Entities:
Keywords: effortful control; preschool age; school readiness; school success; self-control; temperament
Year: 2021 PMID: 34093300 PMCID: PMC8172806 DOI: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.599411
Source DB: PubMed Journal: Front Psychol ISSN: 1664-1078
FIGURE 1Flowchart of Searching.
Qualitative indicators.
| 1. What was observed | 1. Number | 1. Confirmation of the relationship |
| 2. Method of data collection | 2. Gender | 2. Risk |
| 3. Complementary method | 3. Age period | 3. Protection |
| 4. Design | 4. Who responded | 4. Notes |
| 5. Definition of temperament | 5. Ethnicity | |
| 6. Specifics |
Qualitative indicator – target group.
| 1 | 104 | Not stated | 1st year of primary school | Parents and teachers | 98% Caucasian, 2% minority | Not stated | |
| 2 | 77 | 54.5 | 45.5 | 5-11 years | Parents and teachers | 74% Afro-Americans, 16.9% Caucasian, 6.5% Hispanics, and 2.6% other ethnicity | Specific requirements in education resulting from increased risks of adverse circumstances (economic disadvantage, developmental delay, combination of both) |
| 3 | 324 | 52 | 48 | 4-7 years | Parents and trained professionals | 74% Afro-Americans, 16.9% Caucasian, 6.5% Hispanics and 2.6% other ethnicity | 87% of children included in the free lunch program |
| 4 | 241 | 52 | 45 | Ø 5.44 | Parents | 78% of Mexican/Mexican-American ethnic origin, 8% were non-Latino Caucasian, 7% identified as other, 6% of the children were African-American, and 1% were Native American | Children in the Head Start program |
| 5 | 74 | 33.8 | 66.2 | 36-68 months | Parents | 55.4% of the children Caucasian, 17.6% Afro-Americans, 20.3% mixed ethnicity, and 6.8% unclassified | Children in the Head Start program |
| 6 | 10,700 | Not stated | Preschool age | Teachers | 39.29% Caucasian, 21.16% Afro-Americans, 33.66% Hispanics, 5.9% Asians | Children in these types of programs: “Head Start” and “pre-K” (pre-kindergarten). | |
| 7 | 152 | 40 | 60 | Ø 72 months | Teachers | Not stated | Average economic situation |
| 8 | 2595 | 52 | 48 | 5 years | Trained professionals | 21.9% Caucasian, 52.1% Afro-Americans, 23.1% Hispanics, 2.9% other | 76% of the children were born to single mothers |
| 9 | 3410 | 51 | 49 | 0-7 years | Teachers | Australian – representative sample | Representative sample |
| 10 | 341 | 47 | 53 | Ø 4.5 | Parents and teachers | 69% Afro-Americans, 18% Multi-racial, 12% Hispanics, 1% Caucasian | Children in the Head Start program |
| 11 | 1364 | 705 | 659 | 4.5 | parents, teachers | 1097 white | Representative sample |
| 12 | 74 | 41 | 33 | 5–6 years | teachers | 60.8% white, 9.5% black, 14.9% Latino, 6.8% Asian, 4.1% multiracial, 6.2% other | kindergarten children from primarily low-income families |
| 13 | 214 | 118 | 96 | T1 55-97m | parents, children, teachers | 77%; 80%; 78% Caucasian, 12%; 12%; 11% Hispanic, 5% others | 6-year longitudinal study, 2-year period for T1., T2, and T3 milestones; Family SES, and especially income as a robust predictor of achievement. |
| 193 | 105 | 88 | T2 2 years after | ||||
| 159 | 88 | 71 | T3 4 years after | ||||
| 14 | 390 | 212 | 178 | 6-10 years | teachers, children, peers, | 38.2% Latino, 46.7% white, 15.1% other races, | Low- and middle-income families |
| 15 | 264 | 122 | 142 | 7-12 years | parents, children, teachers | 52% Mex-Am., 34% Eur-Am., 8% Afr-Am., 6% Native Am., | Representative sample |
| 16 | 819 | 406 | 413 | 54 months and 1st grade of school | parents, teachers | 84% Caucasian, 10% Black or Afr-Am, 6% others. | Representative sample |
| 17 | 172 | 92 | 80 | 4.70-6.24 years | teachers, | 83.7% Caucasian, 13.4% Afr – Am., 2,9% others | Rural children |
| 18 | 829 | not stated | not stated | 3-5 years | parents, teachers, | Percentage not stated: Afr- Am., Euro-Am., Hispanic and others. | Time span of 2 years; I. 2006 II. 2007. Private preschools as well as public Head Start centers participated. Free lunches for 60%. |
| 19 | 926 | 50% | 50% | 3-5 years | researchers, teachers, | 58% Afr-Am., 31% Caucasian, 10% Hispanic, 1% another racial group, | Head Start 50% children, 50% community childcare, |
| 20 | 425 | 44,5% | 55,5% | 6.6-9.1 years | parents, teachers, children, | Chinese children | Families with low SES |
| 382 | 47,1% | 52.9% | 10.1-12.9 years | ||||
| 21 | 114 | 57% | 43% | 18 months, 42 -54 months | parents, teachers, | 82.4% non-Hispanic, 83.1% Caucasian | Representative sample |
| 22 | 291 | 58% | 42% | avg. 67.72 months | parents, teachers, | 70% White, 14% Latino, 8% Asian, 3% Black, <1% Am- Ind. | Students attended regular education classrooms in public schools in the southwestern United States. |
| 23 | 174 | 49% | 51% | M = 6.48 | teachers; children | Caucasian 60% Hispanic/Latino 29% Asian 5% African American 2% Other/mixed ethnicity 4% | Urban children |
| 24 | 31 | 18 | 13 | 4 months longitudinally until 4 years | parents, | Caucasian 92.3% | All participants were healthy, typically developing children, no specifics regarding economic status, single parenting, specific educational support. |
| 25 | 284 | 137 | 174 | 60 months | teachers, parents | Turkish (not stated exactly) | Representative sample |
| 26 | 523 | 52.9% | 47.1% | 52.42 months | teachers, parents | Hong Kong children | Representative sample |
| 27 | 29 teachers | Not stated | 4 years | Teachers | Not stated | Teachers “generate” the profile of the most successful child who enters school prepared the best | |
Qualitative indicator – methods.
| 1 | + | − | + | 1 | Individual differences in the tendency of behavior with the onset in childhood and relative stability over the further course of life ( |
| 2 | + | − | + | 1 | The authors define temperament on the basis of several current theories from which they abstract three common constructions for temperament: 1) biological fundamentals; 2) possible identification already at an early age; 3) apparent more as a tendency in behavior. |
| 3 | + | + | − | 1 | Temperament is described by the authors according to studies by |
| 4 | + | + | − | 1 | The authors define temperament as inborn individual differences in reactivity and the ability to display self-control ( |
| 5 | + | − | + | 1 | The authors approach temperament as part of the complex of a child’s behavioral expressions with an effect on his/her social skills, which are also influenced by the level of attachment ( |
| 6 | + | + | + | 1 | Temperament is perceived as a multidimensional construct, which is individually different in terms of the ability to exert self-control especially in the areas of reactivity, emotions, and attention ( |
| 7 | + | + | − | 1 | The authors of the study use the characteristics of temperament as a predictor of the manner or style of the social and physical interaction of the child with the environment. |
| 8 | + | + | − | 1 | The authors work with the assumption that temperament in childhood is one of the factors influencing the intentional attention of the child. |
| 9 | + | + | − | 1 | The authors of the study work with the knowledge that temperament, attention, and the ability to manage emotional expressions are identified as characteristics that have a biological basis and are relatively stable over the course of childhood ( |
| 10 | + | + | − | 1 | Understanding emotions is regarded as a crucial aspect of social awareness, which is one of the complexes of socio-emotional skills in a receptive and expressive form. One of the essential components is temperament, which, together with cognitive and other functions, influences the quality of the child’s school readiness and later his/her results in education. |
| 11 | + | - | − | 1 | Temperament is an individual’s biologically based, multidimensional (e.g., emotionality, activity level, shyness, effortful control) style of responding to the environment ( |
| 12 | + | + | + | 1 | Effortful control is defined as a child’s ability to utilize attentional resources and to inhibit behavioral responses in order to regulate emotions and related behaviors ( |
| 13 | + | + | + | 1; 3 | Effort control is a group of temperamentally based skills viewed as the basis of self-regulation ( |
| 14 | + | − | − | 1 | Effortful control skills represent such competencies as could account for both children’s risk of peer victimization and poor school-related outcomes. |
| 15 | + | − | − | 1 | Effortful control was used as an index of children’s regulatory abilities: “the efficiency of executive attention—including the ability to inhibit a dominant response and/or to activate a subdominant response, to plan, and to detect errors” |
| 16 | + | − | + | 3 | Temperament is an individual’s general style of responding to stimuli in the environment. It is a biologically based, multi-dimensional construct that begins to emerge during infancy and childhood, is molded by environmental forces, and provides the foundation for personality traits in older children, young people, and adults ( |
| 17 | + | + | + | 3 | An important dimension of temperament is effortful control, the broad construct of self-regulation that incorporates a set of related skills involving emotion, attention, behavior, and cognition. |
| 18 | + | − | + | 1 | Effortful control, the regulatory aspect of temperament, has been defined as “the efficiency of executive attention, including the ability to inhibit a dominant response and/or to activate a subdominant response, to plan, and to detect errors” ( |
| 19 | + | + | + | 1 | Self-regulation as one of the major achievements of early childhood refers to the process through which children increasingly acquire the ability to regulate their own arousal, emotion, and behavior ( |
| 20 | + | + | + | 1 | Effortful control and anger/frustration are temperament characteristics which are associated with a wide range of adjustment outcomes in children and adolescents, including behavioral problems, social competence, and moral and conscience development ( |
| 21 | + | + | + | 1 | Childhood temperament is hypothesized to drive social and personality development throughout the lifespan ( |
| 22 | + | + | + | 1 | Temperament is “constitutionally based individual differences in reactivity and self-regulation, in the domains of affect, activity, and attention” ( |
| 23 | + | + | + | 1 | Effortful control is a predictor of adaptive functioning across developmental domains in early schooling, defined as “the ability to inhibit a dominant response to perform a subdominant response and/or to activate a subdominant response, to plan, and to detect errors”, a set of temperamentally based skills that form the basis of self-regulation. |
| 24 | + | + | + | 1 | Temperament is constitutionally based individual differences in reactivity and self-regulation in the domains of affect, activity, and attention ( |
| 25 | + | − | + | 1 | Temperament is emotionally motivating and shaped by human experience and adaptive variations ( |
| 26 | + | − | − | 1 | Children’s emotional regulation depends on their temperamental regulation or effortful control ( |
| 27 | + | + | − | 3 | The authors work with the definition of temperament as individual differences in behavioral reactivity and the ability to manage, which are directly linked to socio-emotional and communicative skills ( |
Qualitative indicator – conclusions.
| 1 | Possible differences between home and school temperament. |
| 2 | Boys showed a higher level of activity, impulsiveness, and emotional intensity, and a lower level of shyness. Girls showed a higher level of attempts at self-control and a higher level of social skills and adaptivity. Girls showed cooperative behavior, more partner sympathy, and a more positive attitude to school. The authors speak about possible greater tolerance for some “negative” behavior in boys than in girls. |
| 3 | The influence of gender, temperament, and the children’s subsequent participation in specific programs while of preschool age on school work. |
| 4 | The results tend to support the thesis about the indirect influence of a child’s positive emotional tune and behavioral expressions influenced by that and afterwards his/her results at work. |
| 5 | These results are also in compliance with the results of other studies by |
| 6 | Not stated. |
| 7 | All the TABC scales of assessed temperament were significantly associated with a pre-reading score. Furthermore, the study showed that the boys in the group were more active but lost concentration more easily, and in their behavior and in their reactions in the class they were more emotional. |
| 8 | The authors do not demonstrate the influence of the socio-economic background of the family, maternal warmth, or difficult expressions of temperament on school success in the sample of children. The authors emphasize the need for intervention during preschool age in children who show difficulties in controlling their temperament to foster real prevention of difficulties at the beginning of education. |
| 9 | The results show that children whose task attentiveness increases between the ages of 2 and 3 and 6 and 7 show better results in literacy and in mathematical imagination than children whose results in task attentiveness are worse in the given period. Similarly, it concerns the area of self-control of emotions. Children whose ability in emotional regulation at the ages of 2-3 and 6-7 increases show better results in literacy during school attendance. |
| 10 | The results of this study also suggest that regardless of demographic criteria, the functioning of intentional attention is one of the essential elements in the school success of a child. The results of the study support the statement of the mutual influence of emotional relationship, intentional attention, and results in education. |
| 11 | Inhibitory control and attentional focusing (i.e., effortful control) contributed to teachers’ ratings of children’s social competence. Children with high levels of inhibitory control and attentional focusing were rated higher on cooperation and self-control. Effortful control is denied as the ability to inhibit an inappropriate response and activate an appropriate one. Students who are highly cooperative and show high levels of self-control are doing just that. |
| 12 | Effortful control strongly correlates with school readiness and achievement among kindergarteners. The effects of effortful control were not affected (moderated) by demographic variables. No matter of children’s sex and household income children with high effortful control demonstrated better school readiness, math and reading skills. |
| 13 | Effortful control was positively related to social functioning, and social functioning was positively related to achievement, even when SES, age, and sex were used as covariates (i.e., as predictors of academic achievement). |
| 14 | The emotional experience of being bullied undermines children’s ability to engage effectively in classroom activities by interfering with their effortful control functioning. Peer victimization correlated negatively with effortful control at each time point, and effortful control was predictive of school engagement and academic achievement. |
| 15 | There is evidence that academic competence is associated with effortful control and children’s relationships, but it is not clear if effortful control provides unique prediction of academic competence or if relationships partially mediate the effortful control and academic competence associations. |
| 16 | The relationship between child- and teacher-initiated interactions in the context of effortful control and lower levels of effortful control predicted more frequent teacher-initiated interactions. Teachers interacted more frequently with children low in effortful control to provide reminders concerning behavior and attention, and these interactions may be viewed negatively by children as restrictive in their nature. |
| 17 | Classroom quality did not moderate the relation between children’s attributes and engagement in school. The classroom quality is important in relation to children’s adaptive classroom behaviors but protective in other unmeasured areas, such as self-directedness or planfulness, which involve more sophisticated forms of self-regulation, such as metacognition and the development of motivational styles. |
| 18 | With increased concerns about children’s school readiness there has been a focus on improving academic skills and the quality of teachers’ instructional styles. Teachers should be aware that early conflictual relationships may have long-term consequences for how children feel about school and that conflict with some children may be more likely and have an impact to their school success. |
| 29 | Self-regulatory tasks were strongly correlated with child academic outcomes. |
| 20 | Children displaying temperament precursors (e.g., low effortful control) to academic problems may be identified as early as beginning school age. These children can benefit from interventions that target the cognitive, interpersonal, and motivational processes associated with low effortful control and school failure. |
| 21 | Children who are well-regulated and impulsive may have an advantage in terms of academic achievement. Matching between impulsivity and approach emotions may also be advantageous for achievement in early childhood. |
| 22 | Students who are able to regulate their emotions in the classroom have a distinct advantage over their less-regulated peers. Effortful control is likely to influence academics as children progress through school. |
| 23 | Learning about and reflecting on students’ and teachers’ own temperamental characteristics—can help these functions in concert; teachers may become more aware of how attributes such as effortful control shape their classroom practices and interactions with students. |
| 24 | The relation of infant temperament in the context of the emergence of basic knowledge/pre-academic skills holds promise for applications relying on temperament to screen children at risk of difficulties at school entry, and possibly to identify those most likely to benefit from interventions. |
| 25 | Social emotional adjustment by temperament and empathy; the subdimensions of temperament significantly predicted the social emotional adjustment subdimensions of family involvement, social confidence, readiness for school, and emotional adjustment. |
| 26 | There is a utility to supporting kindergarten children’s readiness for school to foster their future emotional regulation and because of that to reduce potential problems. |
| 27 | In total, five clusters were created according to their connection to the characteristics of school readiness in the group of children who were observed. The evaluation showed no differences between the boys and girls. A model of “an ideal child” for boys and girls was created; they show a high level of positive approach, excitement about work, endurance, curiosity, the necessary social skills, and a tendency to cooperate. The hypothetical child showed a minimal level of negativism and disturbing reactions. |