| Literature DB >> 33805618 |
Henrik Scander1, Maria Lennernäs Wiklund2, Agneta Yngve3,4.
Abstract
Commensal meals seem to be related to a better nutritional and metabolic health as well as an improved quality of life. The aim of this paper was to examine to what extent research was performed using the search term commensality related to assessment of timing of meals. A scoping review was performed, where 10 papers were identified as specifically addressing the assessment of timing of commensality of meals. Time use studies, questionnaires, and telephone- and person-to-person interviews were used for assessing meal times in relation to commensality. Four of the studies used a method of time use registration, and six papers used interviews or questionnaires. Common meals with family members were the most common, and dinners late at night were often preferred for commensal activities among the working population. In conclusion, the family meal seemed to be the most important commensal meal. It is clear from the collected papers and from previous systematic reviews that more studies of commensal meals in general and about timing aspects in particular and in relation to nutritional health are essential to provide a solid background of knowledge regarding the importance of timing in relation to commensal meals.Entities:
Keywords: conviviality; dining; eating practice; eating together; food studies; gastronomy; meal
Year: 2021 PMID: 33805618 PMCID: PMC8000786 DOI: 10.3390/ijerph18062941
Source DB: PubMed Journal: Int J Environ Res Public Health ISSN: 1660-4601 Impact factor: 3.390
Summary of the reviewed studies (n = 10): Time and Space.
| Authors (Year), Country | Objectives | Study Design and Participants | Method | Results/Discussion | Results in Relation to the Review |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Darmon & Warde (2019) [ | This paper examines processes of habit reshuffling and change in different contexts of household formation, looking specifically at habits regarding eating and commensality. | An interview study of 14 couples, each with one English and one French partner, half of whom live in France, half in England. | Interviewed couples together about their current eating habits, with follow-up interviews. | Making arrangements to eat together is one of the most fundamental and general facets of setting up a new household in Western societies. The importance of commensality for couples and families is widely recognized. The French particularly missed meals at lunch time, typically eaten with colleagues in France, but the biggest problems of adjustment for the migrant involved the rituals and timing of the commensal meals. | Showing how habits are scripted in three different orders of everyday life, governing diets, meal times, and extra-domestic commensality. The temporal and sociability orders appear to be geared to much firmer principles, governing performances in a more unified and ‘sticky’ way, and scripting more ‘solid’ incorporated habits, for both countries, where the key principles are the centrality of meal times and the table, to the collective time organization of the country of residence and the commensal and ritualized events. |
| Giacoman et al. (2021) [ | This article analyzes the association between meal synchronization and commensality using representative survey data in Santiago and Paris. | Empirical material is drawn from two comparable data sources: | Santiago data: the survey was a semi-structured questionnaire about opinions and declared practices on commensality and sociodemographic characteristics, with a self-administered diary detailing all eating events. For Paris, the cohort study was a three-level random sample questionnaire. | In both metropolises, sharing meals with others more frequently was positively associated with having meals in synchronized timeslots. Next, we found differences between Santiago and Paris. In Paris, commensality was associated with synchronization in all three shared timeslots, and in Santiago, in the midday and the evening slots. | Sharing meals was positively associated with having meals at synchronized times. Enacting the social norm of eating on a regular schedule is likely to be influenced by the presence of others. Sharing a meal with others needs synchronization and facilitates the enactment of social norms around eating times. |
| Holm, L et al. (2016) [ | Analyzes changes in the social organization of eating in four Nordic countries 1997–2012 | Four Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. 4808 individuals aged 15 and older, 2012 8248 individuals 15–80 years of age | Two cross-sectional surveys, including the 24-h recall method. While the 1997 survey was based on computer-assisted telephone interviews, the 2012 survey was based on an internet-based questionnaire. | Some differences were seen between 1997 and 2012, but these were not consistent between countries. No dramatic changes in the social organization of eating on the whole. | Possibly a slacking of eating etiquette has taken place. In addition, more solitary meals and eating quickly; meals could be traced over the years in some countries. Using the 24-h recall method when collecting the data was considered giving a truer picture of the events rather than a general question of “usual” habits. Recommended use of a mixed-methods methodology including more qualitative data in parallel with the 24-h recall. |
| Kim (2020) [ | This study had two objectives: (1) to investigate the changes in the frequency, duration, and timing of solitary, family, and social meals in South Korea and (2) to examine the effects of these meals on subjective well-being. | Data from the Korean Time Use Survey, conducted by the Korea National Statistical Office every five years since 1999, analyzed in regards to meals. | Two-day time-diary survey in which respondents were asked to record their activities in a time diary consisting of 144 ten-minute time slots. The nationally representative sample varied in size across the four surveys. | South Koreans spent 83.8 min eating 2.69 meals on a typical weekday in 2014. The most noticeable change regarded family meals, which rapidly declined in both frequency (from 54.6% in 1999 to 39.8% in 2014) and total duration (from 53.6% to 38.4%). Solitary and social meals, on the other hand, showed substantial increases between 2004 and 2014; the former was conspicuous in its frequency, while the latter in length. | The shared family meal has declined rapidly in both frequency and duration. The increase in social meals explains why South Koreans spend more time eating, despite the declining frequency of meals. One explanation is that social gatherings in South Korea have increasingly involved eating and that the respondents reported the eating part of such socializing as time spent eating. |
| Lhuissier et al. (2020) [ | Investigation of meal schedules and their social determinants in order to question to what extent mealtimes are still socially shared events and what social institutions still shape national eating schedules. | Two comparable data sources: | Cohort study representative of the adult (≥18) population in Paris and a survey representative of the adult (≥18) population living in the Santiago. | Highlighted cross-metropolitan similarities and disparities, regarding meal times and synchronization. Both metropolises shared a similar and marked three-meal pattern. Three major peaks distributed throughout the day correspond to breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Lunch was more synchronized than dinner, for reasons pertaining to professional and school rhythms. Dinner, however, demonstrated an important coordination effort towards the synchronization of social time within the family. | Collective mealtimes can be partly understood with regard national specificities. If meal time is tied to the constraints of social and professional life, it also expresses many other dimensions of the meal, including commensality. A comparison also highlighted important disparities between the two metropolises regarding meal schedules and synchronization. |
| Mestdag & Vandeweyer (2005) [ | To investigate what place and time the family meal has within family time. | Time-use data used to study meal timing. Study 1965: 2077 Belgians 19–65 years; Study 1998–2000: 8392 Belgians 12–95 years old. | Registration of time-use data of daily practices. Two Belgian time-budget studies. Study I: one 24-h diary. Study II: One 24-h dairy during the working day and one 24-h diary for Saturday or Sunday. Diaries reported the total time spent on the most important family activities and meals as % of the total time of each activity. In addition, family meal timing was studied. | Time spent eating with partners and children were as follows in 1966 and 1999 (h, min): Workdays 0,51/0,27, Saturdays 1,05/1,03, Sundays 1, 23/1,05. Family time of day for meals peaked around 8 am, 1 pm, and 8 pm during working days, although fewer respondents were engaged in family meals 1999. Working days: family activities took place around eating times. Traditional meal times lost importance during 30 years. In 1999, meals were served later and fewer parents spent time with children at breakfast. | Family time spent was predominantly used for sharing meals. The number of commensal occasions with partners and children declined from 1966 to 1999; still, eating on every day of the week is the social par excellence for keeping up with the latest news and events of other family members. One underlying question is if family meals set the rhythm of family life. |
| Mestdag & Glorieux (2009) [ | To assess how commensality patterns have evolved in Belgium over the last decades and which factors have an impact on commensality. | The Belgian time-use survey 1966: 2076 Belgians, 19–65 years. 1999: The 2nd National Belgian time-use survey 8 382 Belgians, 12–95 years, from 4 275 households used to study commensal meals. | Time-use data of daily practices by use of a self-completion procedure using 10-min intervals. Two Belgian time-budget studies from 1966 and 1999. One 24-h diary (1966) and one diary during the working day and one 24-h diary for Saturday or Sunday (1999) Time data (2004) were used to determine the factors that affect commensality. | Average time spent on eating and relative share of total eating time on weekdays, Saturdays or Sundays, according to social context were reported. There was a significant decrease in commensality during the period: eating became more individualized. In 1966, 73% of weekday eating time occurred with at least one household member present, as compared to 56% in 1999. | Living arrangements had the strongest impact on commensality patterns. People who lived alone generally do not have anyone with whom they shared their meals. Married and cohabitant couples ate together on a regular basis; parents still shared a majority of meal times with their co-resident children. |
| Mestdag, I. (2005) [ | To study the disappearance of the “traditional” meal by comparing Flemish time budget data for 1988 and 1999. Temporal, social, and spatial features of the meal were studied. | Flemish time budget data were used to study meal features. In 1988, 463 respondents 21–40 years, in 1999, 599 respondents. | In 1988, respondents kept a diary for three consecutive days. In 1999, respondents followed the same procedure for one week. All activities including timing, duration, and location were registered. Respondents completed a questionnaire. | Flemish eating practices showed a high level of structure in the temporal, spatial, and organization of the meal. A clear three-meal pattern: breakfast, lunch, and dinner was observed both 1988 and 1999. The temporal boundaries of eating became vague, people ate less frequently at traditional meal times, the number or real meals decreased, and the number of informal snacks increased; indicators of temporal destruction were found. | The meals became shorter and solitary eating increased. Eating at home decreased in importance. In the introduction to the study, the following was discussed; a meal is when food is taken as a part of a structured event prescribing the time, place, and sequence of actions. Grazing assumes that food is taken in an incidental manner with respect to time, place, and content. It is unclear if the family meal still operates as a reference point in shaping eating habits. |
| Takeda, W., et al. (2018). [ | To examine frequencies of family commensality meals and the socio-cultural organization of eating and family lives. | Japanese adults aged 20–85 years in two metropolitan areas between 2009 and 2013 were interviewed regarding meals, including times. Lay people N = 179 and dietitians (N = 63). | 242 surveys administered in face-to-face interviews in Tokyo and Kyoto. Interviews including open-ended free-list questions followed the mostly quantitative survey questions. Reports about usual meal times on working days and weekend days. | Peak weekday meal times: 7.00–7.59; 12.00–12.59; 19.00–19.59. Frequencies of family commensality are influenced by co-residents and work styles of participants rather than household sizes. Meal frequencies for family commensality were highest among those er 60 for all meals. | Work and lifestyle constraints impacting schedules appear to influence the frequency of family commensality. The Japanese government has promoted family commensality and set a goal; family breakfast and dinner more than 11 times per week. There were substantive gaps between the promoted image of family commensality and the practical and structural complaints on achieving family commensality, especially among working people and non-nuclear families. Full time workers had the latest average dinner time. |
| Yates L, Warde A. (2017) [ | Examined meal arrangements in British households in 2012, drawing on an online survey in the format of a food diary administered to 2784 members of a supermarket consumer panel. | Investigating aspects of British meal patterns, provisioning and preparation, timing, and commensality. Online survey on meal arrangements | A small sample drawn from a consumer panel associated with a supermarket loyalty card scheme. The sample was 2784 individuals, i.e., a 45% response rate. Older, more affluent, better educated respondents and respondents without children were overrepresented. | Household members were the most common source of companionship in meals (75%) vs. work colleagues (16%). | Meals taking place later in the day were more likely to be eaten in companionship. Foods eaten with others are, for example, roasts, curry, fry-ups. When singles ate alone they were less likely to have substantial dishes than those who live with others but were eating alone. Adult-only households were underrepresented in this sample. |