Stefanie König1, Susanne Kelfve2,3, Andreas Motel-Klingebiel2, Martin Wetzel4. 1. Department of Psychology and Centre for Ageing and Health - AgeCap, University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden. 2. Division Ageing and Social Change, Department of Culture and Society, Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden. 3. Aging Research Center, Karolinska Institutet & Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden. 4. Institute of Sociology and Social Psychology, University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany.
Abstract
AIM: We aimed to understand the interplay between retirement pathways and healthcare use in the postponed and structurally changing context of retirement. METHODS: Based on Swedish register data on income and healthcare use, we applied combined sequence and cluster analysis to identify typical pathways into retirement and analysed their relation to healthcare use developments. RESULTS: We detected five distinct pathways into retirement. Level of healthcare use was significantly higher for the pathway via disability pensions. We saw an overall increase in healthcare use across the retirement process that was related to age rather than to the different pathways. CONCLUSIONS: Level of healthcare use at the beginning of the retirement process may be related to selection into different pathways of retirement. We did not find clear evidence across several healthcare measures that different pathways lead to different developments in healthcare use.
AIM: We aimed to understand the interplay between retirement pathways and healthcare use in the postponed and structurally changing context of retirement. METHODS: Based on Swedish register data on income and healthcare use, we applied combined sequence and cluster analysis to identify typical pathways into retirement and analysed their relation to healthcare use developments. RESULTS: We detected five distinct pathways into retirement. Level of healthcare use was significantly higher for the pathway via disability pensions. We saw an overall increase in healthcare use across the retirement process that was related to age rather than to the different pathways. CONCLUSIONS: Level of healthcare use at the beginning of the retirement process may be related to selection into different pathways of retirement. We did not find clear evidence across several healthcare measures that different pathways lead to different developments in healthcare use.
Many studies have investigated how health affects retirement [1] and how
retirement affects health [2], however, study findings have
been inconclusive. We argue that previous research has often lacked a
detailed understanding of how retirement proceeds. Previous studies defined
retirement as an event rather than as a variety of retirement pathways
during which a transitional process of detaching from work takes place. This
distinction is crucial because health developments and retirement processes
may occur simultaneously. Unarguably, these processes affect each other, but
less as a process based on causality than of mutual interference. Following
life course research, it is important to understand how these life course
domains travel together. This study used Swedish register data on income
sources to identify typical pathways of retirement transitions, and also
register data on healthcare to identify typical patterns of
retirement-related health developments.Research on how retirement pathways and health are interrelated can contribute
to better understanding individuals’ wellbeing in later life, while also
providing information for healthcare budgets. Understanding the variety of
these interrelations has become even more important because Sweden’s pension
system has undergone several reforms aimed at prolonging working lives by
restricting early retirement pathways and incentivizing later exits, which
will lead to a further diversification of retirement pathways. Health and
healthcare use are strongly correlated [3]. This study used healthcare use
as a proxy for health since it is a more comparable and objective measure of
health status. In addition, investigating healthcare instead of health gave
us the opportunity to use register data, which circumvents selection bias
from dropouts due to poor health [4].Our core research question was: Do people in different pathways of retirement
show different patterns of healthcare use during this process?
Previous research on health and retirement
The relationship between retirement and health is complex. While research
agrees on health being a strong determinant for retirement [1], results
on the effect of retirement on health are inconsistent [2]. Some
studies provide evidence for a beneficial effect of retirement on
health, others find no or even negative effects. While these
disparities may be related to different conceptualizations,
operationalizations and measurements, one major limitation of previous
studies is the deficient understanding of retirement, which is not a
singular shift but a more or less stretched status passage. Little is
known about the relationship between the timing of the retirement
passage and healthcare use. Existing studies focus on early pension
withdrawal or disability pensions [5-7]. From a theoretical
standpoint, different effects from the timing of retirement can be
expected [8]. The causal relationship between health and retirement is
challenging from a methodological perspective. For example, health
changes before retirement might cause labour market exits, which will
remain undetected in longitudinal studies with lengthier intervals.
Furthermore, in a survey design, selection bias might influence the
results since ill health could lead to selective attrition, in
particular among older people [9].To our knowledge, no previous study has tried to understand the
relationship between retirement and health using a differentiated
process-based definition of retirement. The argument that loss of work
strain may be beneficial relies heavily on the notion that retirement
happens as a one-time event and ignores the possibility of gradual
transitions. Even if timing of retirement is considered, this strongly
depends on whether retirement age is defined as first pension receipt
or as having no income from paid work. We argue that this neglects
gradual retirement transitions and can lead to blurred results.
Current study
Defining when a person is retired has been long debated [10]. The
definition of retirement is even more complex in countries with less
standardized and statutorily regulated retirement transitions in which
individuals differ widely in when and how they retire. Therefore,
Sweden is an interesting case to study as it employs a flexible
retirement age that allows state pension withdrawals from the age of
61 to 67. In today’s retirement cohorts, retirement transitions are
more flexible than in previous cohorts and this may even increase in
future cohorts [11, 12].Research on retirement has focused more intensely on methods that offer a
better understanding of these diverse pathways, such as a more
conceptional approach [13] or statistical sequence
analyses [14-16]. To our knowledge, simultaneously analysing health
development and retirement pathways has not yet been undertaken. We
used sequence pattern analysis to classify individual successions into
clusters of similar retirement pathways [14, 17, 18]. Sequence analysis
examines the similarity of patterns of discrete statuses by estimating
how many changes in a current position or how many positional changes
would be necessary to produce equal patterns. Based on the estimated
distances between each sequence compared with all other sequences,
clusters of similar patterns can be identified. To examine the
interconnection of labour market status sequences with healthcare use
development, the current study analysed cluster-specific health
developments over time and between groups. We assumed that pathways
would differ in the extent and type of healthcare use and that
development would vary over the retirement process.We focused on one particular birth cohort born in 1947 that had reached
the age of 61 in 2008 and 68 in 2015. To address the gradual steps
involved in retiring in Sweden in our retirement definition, we
applied an income-based indicator of retirement, which is based on an
individual’s income sources. Following Fasang’s definition of
retirement trajectories as ‘the sequence of primary income sources
within the age bracket during which old-age pension entrance is
theoretically possible’ [17], we defined retirement
as a transitional process instead of a singular step.
Data and method
This study is based on Swedish register data. Information about labour market
status, sources of income and socio-demographic factors was extracted from
LISA, a longitudinal database from Statistics Sweden for the total Swedish
population. Information about inpatient care (number of nights in hospital)
and specialized outpatient care (number of visits to the doctor with
diagnoses, including day surgery and psychiatric care) was extracted from
the National Patient Register. This register is administrated by the Swedish
National Board of Health and Welfare and is estimated to include more than
99% of all inpatient hospital discharges [19].We followed the cohort born in 1947 between the ages of 60 and 68. As sequence
pattern analysis is a complex procedure that requires extensive computing
power, we selected a 5% random sample of all individuals born in 1947 who
were living in Sweden between 1990 and 2015 (n = 7000). We
deleted individuals with incomplete data due to migration
(n = 487) or death (n = 414), as
well as individuals where it was not possible to identify the main income
source. The final sample consisted of 5900 individuals with full information
for the study period.Based on four potential income sources (gainful work, self-employment, old-age
pension and disability pension), we defined seven discrete labour market
statuses: (1) main income from self-employment, (2) main income from a
salary, (3) more than 50% income from a salary or self-employment (while
also receiving a pension), (4) more than 50% of income from a pension (while
also having income from a salary or self-employment), (5) main income from a
pension, (6) main income from a disability pension and (7) other sources or
low income. To assign other cases of mixed statuses, we used the largest
income source as the primary income (see also Jönsson et al. [20]). Minimal
income was based on the price base amount (prisbasbelopp),
which is calculated according to the consumer price index and used for legal
regulations on, for example, guarantee pensions.In order to capture the complexity of the succession of seven different labour
market statuses over 8 years, we applied sequence pattern analysis to
identify typical pathways of transition. We used Stata 15 with the SQ-ados
[21]. We
applied the conventional optimal matching algorithm as it has been shown to
be unbiased for classifications focusing on the timing of different
transitions [22].
We used the transition-based probability matrix for identifying substitution
costs and defined indel costs of 1. More details on development of the
sequence analysis model and its identification strategy can be found in
Supplemental material. We opted for a five-class
solution.
Results
The sequence analysis resulted in five clusters, describing distinct pathways
into retirement as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1.
Retirement pathways in five clusters.
Retirement pathways in five clusters.
Description of sequences
Figures 2 and
3
provide an overview of the constellation of social groups and income
trajectories within each cluster. This is important background
information since some studies show differences for healthcare use
across social groups that is related to access and economical aspects
[23,
24].
In addition, certain pathways into retirement have been previously
related to economic differences [7, 25].
Figure 2.
Distribution of educational level (left) and gender (right)
by cluster.
Figure 3.
Income trajectories by cluster.
Distribution of educational level (left) and gender (right)
by cluster.Income trajectories by cluster.The first cluster contains late labour market exits
after the age of 65. From the age of 65, most individuals in this
cluster received some sort of pension but continued to work.The second cluster is characterized by early pension
withdrawal. Even though the majority in this cluster
also continued working until later ages, pensions were withdrawn
before the age of 64. This indicates that individuals in this cluster
were more likely to decrease their paid work and complement their
income with pension benefits from an early age. The age when this
group stopped working completely was very flexible across the
retirement phase.The third cluster can be described as standard
retirement. Most individuals in this group stopped
working completely within a year. In terms of retirement age,
transitions into full retirement were mainly completed at the age of
65. Earlier (partial) exits were common after the age of 63. This
cluster contained slightly more women and lower educated individuals
compared with the first two clusters, and disposable income was also
somewhat lower.The fourth cluster is described by low income from work and early
transitions into full retirement. It did not differ
much from the third cluster in terms of gender and educational
constellation.The fifth cluster describes labour market exits via disability
pensions. This cluster differed from all other clusters
by comprising the highest proportion of low-educated individuals and
women, and by having the lowest disposable income.
Correlates of sequences
Interestingly, the first two clusters, late labour market
exits and early pension withdrawal,
did not differ much in terms of social groups and socio-economic
characteristics. Both included more highly educated individuals
compared with the other clusters, had the highest disposable income
and a larger proportion of men. Hence, these characteristics could not
explain the different pathways. Looking at the health profiles shown
in Figures 4
and 5, the
distinction between these two groups becomes more apparent. The second
cluster (early pension withdrawal) showed some
possible health impairments early on in the retirement process. There
was a steep early increase in visits to specialists before the age of
64. Furthermore, health at the beginning of the retirement phase
seemed to be slightly worse. Hence, there seemed to be a health
selection into the two different pathways: those with worse health or
a decrease in health early in the retirement phase end up in the
second cluster and withdraw some of their pensions early. However,
this pattern was only visible in relation to visits to a specialist
and was not reflected in the other measures of healthcare use.
Figure 4.
Number of specialist visits with diagnosis by cluster.
Figure 5.
Number of nights in hospital by cluster.
Number of specialist visits with diagnosis by cluster.Number of nights in hospital by cluster.Compared with the second cluster (early pension
withdrawal), the increase in number of specialist
visits in the third cluster (standard retirement)
seemed to be weaker, despite similar levels at the beginning of the
retirement process. However, the third cluster also differed from the
second in the constellation of social groups and was characterized by
lower socio-economic status. Since low socio-economic status is
related to lower use of specialist care [26], the lower income of
the third cluster may partly explain the differing development of
number of specialist visits over time in both pathways. Furthermore,
looking at the number of nights spent in hospital, there was no
indication of a more negative development of this healthcare measure
in the second cluster.In the fourth cluster (low income from work and early transitions
into full retirement), disposable income was somewhat
lower compared with the third cluster (standard
retirement), however, there were no strong differences
in the health profiles.As expected, health at the beginning of the retirement phase seemed to be
much worse in the fifth cluster (labour market exits via
disability pensions) than in the other four clusters.
Nights spent in hospital and number of visits to the doctor were much
higher in this group. This cluster also showed some interesting
development in terms of specialist use. Visits to a specialist at the
age of 60 were already occurring as often as among those over the age
68 in the other clusters. There was no increase in specialist visits
during the period of disability pension benefits, but there was a
strong increase after shifting into old-age pension. This could be
interpreted in light of the results from a large-scale Swedish study
[27].
This study found out that 10% of those with disability pensions
refrained from healthcare use due to financial reasons, a figure that
was higher than in the general population. Looking at the income
profiles of this cluster, their financial situation did not improve
significantly over time. Hence, the difference in specialist visits
during receipt of disability- and old-age pension is unlikely to be
explained merely by disposable income.Across all clusters, a clear and steady increase in specialist visits was
observed, which may be ageing related rather than linked to labour
force exit or pathway.
Discussion
To our knowledge, this study is the first to describe different pathways into
retirement for a full cohort in Sweden. To date, this has been done for
Germany and Britain [28] and for the United States [29] for retirement cohorts around
the late 1990s and early 2000s. Due to the different institutional contexts
and cohorts, the here-examined more recent retirement cohorts might be
expected to show a very different picture. In addition, while there was a
greater focus on early retirement in these previous studies, our study
points to a new phenomenon: late retirement pathways. The largest cluster in
our study is one that has rarely been recognized in previous literature, as
it is characterized by a more gradual exit with a combined pension and
income from paid work.Applying a clear income-based definition of retirement and identifying
different clusters of pathways, the current study found some evidence that
there may be health-related selection into different retirement pathways.
Previous research on the effect of retirement on health has often focused on
an abrupt transition from work into retirement, which is represented by the
third cluster in the current study. Some studies also include a disability
pathway, which is represented by our fifth cluster [5]. Our study found an often
neglected heterogeneity of retirement transitions and that, in particular, a
large proportion of employees in Sweden continues to work beyond age 65, at
least to some degree, while receiving some sort of pension. Many arguments
on the beneficial effects of retirement on health arise from the notion that
a loss of work strain is related to better health. However, the current
study made clear that considering receipt of the first pension as a measure
of transition into retirement will lead to blurred results. The same would
be true if retirement is understood as a complete exit from the labour
market, as reduced work strain might already have occurred over several
years of reduced labour market participation. In particular, with the
current labour market reforms allowing for a stronger de-standardized
retirement pathway, future research should take heterogeneity in timing and
sequences into account. Besides the here-applied statistical methods of
clustering and stronger theoretically deduced approaches [13], future
research should at least differentiate between full- and partial exits.An important limitation of our study was the assumption that healthcare use was
strongly related to health. While it has been found that physical health
predicts healthcare utilization [3], our study fell short of a
direct conclusion in relation to the effect of retirement pathways on
health.Using register data has significant advantages with regard to the selectivityof
the sample. Survey data on self-reported health are often impaired by
selection bias. Analysing register data includes all individuals and
provides highly accurate information on income sources and different
measures of healthcare use. Healthcare use may have a socio-economic
gradient that does not reflect actual healthcare need. Therefore, provision
of education and income profiles in order to draw careful conclusions is
crucial.While the representation of the heterogeneity in the pathways to retirement was
astonishing, the influence of different pathways on health was limited. In
line with literature on the effect of retirement on health, we expected
different healthcare use patterns across different pathways. However, we did
not find distinct developments across different measures of healthcare use
that could be related to different pathways.Click here for additional data file.Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-sjp-10.1177_1403494821998901 for
Development of healthcare use across contemporary retirement pathways:
results from a register based cohort study by Stefanie König, Susanne
Kelfve, Andreas Motel-Klingebiel and Martin Wetzel in Scandinavian
Journal of Public Health
Authors: Ranu Sewdas; Allard J van der Beek; Astrid de Wind; Lennart G L van der Zwaan; Cécile R L Boot Journal: Scand J Public Health Date: 2017-10-23 Impact factor: 3.021