Violent language in the environment of street children singer-beggars.

BACKGROUND: Street children singer-beggars are differently treated psychologically and socially by many people on the street since they are considered to disturb the environment. They grow up with different perspectives from children of their age and social interactions unsuitable for their growth. Abusive language, repeated acts of violence, and antisocial attitudes have shaped their different personalities and characteristics in accordance with their age.
OBJECTIVE: This study was conducted to observe the lives of street children singer-beggars through their understanding of adult communication and explain their verbal language and its meaning in their communication. PARTICIPANTS: and Setting: The participants were 15 singer-beggars as informants who spent 8 h or more on the streets. They were selected through interview and observation in eight months based on the following characteristics as criteria:(1) having an age range between 12 and 17 years old, (2) having been in elementary school, (3) spending more than 8 h on the streets and having been taken to the streets on average three years, and (4) coming from very poor families. In addition to singing in the streets, they were working as porters and junk collectors and sellers. All of them smoke, enjoy alcoholic beverages, and inhale toxic materials (rubber cement glue). Researchers engaged in their daily lives intensively like playing music on the bus and in crowds.
METHOD: The study employs social phenomenology approach seeking to explore and describe the life experiences of street children who make a living by singing and begging.
RESULTS: Result showed that all children (100%) reported that their communication pattern was conducted with four dominant groups, namely, parents, fellow singers, security officers, and street thugs. Furthermore, 80% of key informants said that communication occurred between setting and omission of verbal and nonverbal violence and physical violence. All key informants constructed 18 phrases related to violence or conflicts on the streets, seven phrases for calling people, 14 phrases related to deviant actions, and 24 phrases for begging or singing on the street.
CONCLUSION: Communication acts of street children singer-beggars happened dynamically, specifically, and purposively. They formed communication patterns by constructing a language that showed suffering, brutality, attack, seduction, survival effort, and unity of groups and languages. This experience needed to be considered in helping children return to their families and child protection homes and schools for their welfare. Results showed that protection of children from the streets by government protection agencies must be conducted based on street children's point of view that allows them to get out of the streets.

Introduction

Street children are always associated with acts of violence, crime, and social disturbances. They become socially susceptible and vulnerable to their environment, both as causes and victims. The study of the Institute of Community Service, Padjadjaran University, on street children singer-beggars (hereafter referred to as SCSB) in 2002 shows that SCSB are always close to the risk of drug abuse. It was found that 24.56% of them knew about and used drugs, 29.83% of them knew about but did not use drugs, and 45.61% of them did not know about and did not use drugs. Also, 15% of them had had sex and, among others, were boys who had been engaged in same-sex relationships [1].

Masrukhi in 2006 reports that about 28% of girls on the streets were involved in cases of sexual harassment, rape, prostitution, production of pornographic materials, and trafficking for sexual gratification [2]. Furthermore, subsequent research has emphasized that street girls are vulnerable to sexual violence on the streets [3, 4]. The Duta Awan Foundation (DAF) says that of the 500 street children surveyed in Semarang, 12.9% had had sexual intercourse more than eight times per month, 48.4% did so but not regularly, 6.5% did it once per month, and 16.2% did it two to three times per month with different partners [2].

On the other hand, the population of street children continues to increase. The Province of West Java, one of the most populous provinces, has a high growth of street children. Data in 2001 show that the number of street children scattered in West Java was 6,267 people; and the following year, its number increased to 8,352 people. The cities with large populations were Bogor with 1,503 people; Cirebon, 994 people; and Bandung, 840 people [5, 6].

There are various factors that cause the increase number of street children. Although it is generally due to the urbanization of village to city and social change [7], the rising population of street children has caused some concerns related to habits in ways of thinking and actions considered deviant by people around them. Street children have perspectivesdifferent from their peers living in a normal environment. They lack parental care and assume that parents are not in their lives. In their sense of responsibility, they tend to place themselves as heads of households, thieves, and criminals to make a living to meet their basic and social needs [8]. Dimenstein and Haire say that fulfilling basic and care needs as parents and adults to children is a must. However, street children do not recognize the role of parents and adults in their lives. They do not even know whether they need parents and adults or not [9]. They look for the meaning of life according to their own beliefs, and they are unable to discern what is acceptable and unacceptable or right and wrong.

The reality of experience encountered builds a unique cognitive scheme and behavior of street children in the environment. In this case, their experiences include how they get treatments from the environment and how the roles are taken (role-taking) when they interact with the environment [8, 10]. The individuals' formation of meaning involves various factors such as the environment, the developing system, and the capacity of an individual or an individual's personal factor. The formation of meaning is a process of production where individual seeks to understand something and deliver it to others as a part of the daily social process [11].

Budiartati states that the influence of environment is one of the cultural constructs on the meaning formation of street children [2]. Children raised in slum areas without parental guidance and in hard and harsh environments will form a passive, inferior, stigmatized, low-minded, aggressive, exploitative, and resistant or angry attitude. In this severe condition, the values to be taught will be difficult because autonomy, self-confidence, and self-sufficiency are almost extinct, leading to a “primitive” and “poverty syndrome” mental disorder [2, 12]. Furthermore, situations of violence are faced continuously. It will form different values and actions that promote violence as a way out to survive, such as the way the street children perceive security and police officers [13].

The meaning owned by a person is wrapped within a cultural or subcultural framework or structure that will directly or indirectly form communication patterns and behaviors of the person concerned. Results of the research indicate that interaction between culture and communication is very dynamic and reciprocal [14, 15, 16]. Culture will influence the way, style, and perception of objects in communication [17]. Conversely, communication constructs and/or alters the cultures and subcultures within social, ethnic, racial, and tribe groups [18].

If so, street children with their unique subcultures will develop distinctive communication acts. They have different styles and ways of learning because their subcultures are various; thus, people calling them are also different [19, 20, 21]. Showing self-indulgence, empty eyes, and no burden when begging something to strangers are the usual self-arrangement. Street children build straightforward communication, often speak in a loud and rough language, and do not think about whether the environment is disturbed or not [22].

The culture of communication of street children explains the processes, patterns, behaviors, styles, and analyses of the words and languages they use. This is seen when communicating with their peers, family, security and order-keeping officials, shelter stewards, and government agencies that foster street children empowerment. For example, street children who are used to living in shelter homes and “wild” street children have different behaviors and communication styles [23, 24].

Results of preliminary observations indicated that 100% of street children collecting money are buskers. Their singing is usually accompanied by improvised instruments (ukulele, simple bell sticks, and bongo made of PVC pipes); sometimes they only use hands to keep the beat. They select hit songs or straightforward songs of their creation; after that, they beg for a change with a thank-you note with full ado. This study tried to focus on street buskers because they all made money by singing and playing music. Principally, they are street children who spend all day on the streets and bus terminals. However, they join and hang out in groups on the road for the pleasure of music and singing to beg.

With this background, this research was conducted to answer the following research questions (RQ1) How does the communication occur between SCSB and parents, friends, thugs, security guards, and other adults who intersect with street children's activities? (RQ2) How does SCSB construct phrases and languages while interacting in street environments?

Subcultures in the behavior of communication

Communication does not occur in a vacuum; communication itself is alive because of interaction with social systems [15, 25]. Communication sustains all human relationships. It is necessary but insufficient for organizing social life. That organization is further contingent upon the significance interactants attribute to the messages through which their relationships are constituted [25, 26].

Communication is a matrix of social action and occurs in a complex social environment. This social environment reflects how people live and interact with others. This social environment is culture, and if we want to understand communication truly, we must first understand the culture [15, 27].

Communication and culture mutually affect each other. Culture is the foundation of communication. When cultures are diverse, there is a wide variety of communication practices [28, 29, 30]. Culture in the communication process is closely related to the meaning compiled by the agent of communication [31, 32].

Culture is the whole complex of knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs, and all other abilities and habits acquired by a person as a member of society [29, 33, 34]. It is also stated that culture is something that is learned and shared socially by members of the society [29, 31, 33, 34]. Therefore, a child knows how to eat, drink, dress, and carry out social intercourse and religious events by conducting those activities through interaction with members of society within a particular culture.

In culture, there are subcultures that are uniquely and dynamically developed. Within a broader culture, there is a unique interaction where individual members of culture develop specific influences from psycho-culture, socio-culture, and culture. The concept of a subculture refers to the values, beliefs, and lifestyle of a minority (or “sub-“) group within a society. The culture of this group, although being related, will diverge from that of the dominant group. Although now associated in a large part with the cultures of young people (moods and rockers, skin heads, punks), it may also be applied to ethnic, gender, and sexual groups [35].

The community of street children is a subculture of a broader culture where street children reside. The culture of street children is the cumulative culture of rhymes, songs, jokes, taboos, games, folklore, and places (e.g., areas known to be “haunted” or “a den” or “forbidden”) among young children. Collectively, this body of knowledge is passed down from one generation of urban children to another and can also be passed between different groups of children [36, 37, 38].

The importance of understanding subcultural roles in communication behavior can be traced to the way someone gives meaning to a word. A word can be interpreted differently because of different cultural frameworks [38]. Therefore, it is considered only one definition for certain words or cues. However, every verbal and nonverbal message can be interpreted in various ways. It depends on the cultural context where the message is located [28].

There is no real meaning because every person from different background decides what a symbol means [27]. People have similar meaning only when they have had similar experiences or can anticipate similar experiences [26, 27, 39]. Meanwhile, the connection between the formation of meaning, language, and cultural background is explicitly explained; both language acquisition and language meaning are directly related to experiences. These experiences are unique to each of us not only because of the differences encountered as individuals while growing up and learning to use language but also because of what our culture has exposed us to [27, 34, 39, 40, 41].

This study reveals the SCSB cultural framework. The subculture will affect meaning to the interaction among themselves and their environment. Furthermore, it will affect the interpretation and communication within communities. For example, their subculture determines the word or language used in communicating.

Verbal and nonverbal language behavior

From one subculture to another, each has its distinct interpersonal communication style based on their cultural frameworks. One of the dimensions can be seen from how people use language, both verbal and nonverbal, when they are involved in the communication process [18, 27]. The case of the differences of inter-native language styles may be easier to observe; for example, LGBTQ groups try to create a verbal and nonverbal message that gives them a feeling of acceptance, warmth, and ownership. They then develop and create new ways of communication for self-naming to identify themselves and others in the community [42, 43]. Whereas the broken home's teens have verbal messages characterized by rough utterance and many conflicts that cause quarrels between children and their parents [44, 45].

The aforementioned conditions occur in communication between individuals with different macrocultures as well as with the behavior of language communication in microcultures. In specific groups, people develop verbal and nonverbal languages used permanently. For example, in a study of transvestites, parents who have sons with the characteristics of women and become transvestites will express their behavior asa disgrace and sin.

In a research conducted by Pujilaksono [46], the anger of parents of their transvestite children is always presented with judgmental remarks in that category: (1) “What do you want to be? A man getting dressed like a woman is forbidden. It is a sin.” (2) “What do you want to be? A man gets dressed like a woman. That's haram (forbidden). It is a sin.” (3) “Okay. If it makes you happy, just do it. But you must bear your own sin.”

It is not much different from the transvestites as a subculture; street children also have the experience of communication in the form of unique verbal and nonverbal expressions. For example, they are rebuked and scolded. They are accustomed to using harsh sentences and words, and their communication styles are “as it is.” They are subcultures with uniquely developed communication behavior [47]. Verbal and nonverbal language in social systems, especially for sharing experiences among its members, is a strategic aspect. Therefore, any verbal or nonverbal language uses symbols that stand for or represent various concrete and abstract parts of our individual realities. These symbols, in turn, are governed by rules that tell us how to use them to best describe our experiences [29]. We are able thereby to share our experiences symbolically with others and achieve various levels of mutual understanding, at least among members of particular language-using community.

In verbal communication, although the involvement of nonverbal messages is not selectable, communication participants can share and build their experiences without having to invite their interlocutors directly involved in the skills they have. Nonverbal language has the power to convey a specific meaning to their interlocutor [48, 49, 50].

In the process of communication, nonverbal messages have the ability to—as effectively as verbal messages—affirm verbal messages, oppose or deny verbal messages, or even represent verbal messages itself. Precisely, nonverbal messages have the following characteristics: (1) Nonverbal codes tend to be analogical rather than digital. Whereas digital signals are discrete (numbers and letters), analogical signals are continuous, forming a spectrum or range (sound volume and brightness of light); (2) Not all nonverbal codes use iconicity or resemble icons (as when you depict the shape of something with your hand); (3) Specific nonverbal codes seem to elicit universal meaning; (4) Nonverbal codes enable the simultaneous transmission of several messages; (5) Nonverbal signals often evoke an automatic response without thinking; and (6) Nonverbal cues are usually emitted spontaneously [48, 50, 51, 52, 53].

As a community, SCSB has a unique subculture that influences them in communicating and using verbal and nonverbal language. The meeting between their harsh and competitive environment is even accompanied by conflict, dominant local culture, and habits of different street children, giving birth to the way they produce and use verbal and nonverbal language aligned with these conditions.

Research method

This study was conducted on street children in Cirebon, West Java, with quite a large population of street children. Cirebon is the northern region of West Java that shows high economic and industrial growth. The rapid development of Cirebon causes other side effects as in other big cities. The emergence of slum area, traffic congestion, and increased crime rates, homeless, beggars, neglected children, child labor, and prostitutes are some examples of the effects of the city's perceived development.

The problems of street children, as reviewed in this research, showed a frequent increase in the quantity and type of question. Data on Child Protection Mapping in Cirebon in 2013 issued by City Planning Board Cirebon [6, 54] states that the number of street children in Cirebon reached 841 people.

There were 15 children involved in this study. They were chosen purposively after repeated initial interactions and building a good relationship. These children were willing to take part in this study. They were explained on how the research would be carried out and what information would be identified. The characteristics of these children included: (1) average age, 16.47 years old; (2) duration of living in the streets, almost 3 years; (3) 73.34% dropped out of junior high school; and (4) singers on the streets in groups (Graph 1). Most of them consumed cigarettes, alcohol, over-the-counter drugs (some of them), and inhaled rubber cement glue to get intoxicated. Some had been involved in criminal acts (stealing, fighting, and being in jail).

Graph 1

The Characteristics of key informants.

Data collection from street children as key informants used the following classifications: (1) street children in the real sense who perform their activities on the streets within 8–24 h; (2) street children who have family or guardian but spend most of their time on the roads; and (3) street children who live in shelters and have no parents or guardian taking care of them.

The objective in this study is to understand the meaning that develops in communication behavior during interaction with the environment and verbal and nonverbal symbolization of perceptual products of SCSB about various things related to experience.

The study used a social phenomenology that described and regulated the classification of communication experiences of SCSB. The phenomenological study describes the meaning of the lived experiences for several individuals about a concept or phenomenon [55, 56, 57, 58]. The aim of phenomenology is to study how humans experienced phenomena in consciousness and cognitive and perceptual acts as well as how they may be valued or appreciated aesthetically [55, 59, 60, 61]. Based on this definition, this study seeks to understand street children's buskers in a participatory way to find out their awareness and communication experience while working.

Data collection technique used in phenomenological research was an individual in-depth interview. In-depth interview was conducted in a long time and provided an opportunity for informants to answer openly [55, 62]. In compiling an interview guide, the critical words of the question should be defined, discussed, and clarified so that the intent and purpose of investigation are evident [55, 63]. The position of each keyword or focus of the question determines primary in pursuing the topic and what data will be collected.

The interview process was conducted by three adult men with expertise in the field approach since they had collaborated with the Child Protection Division under UNICEF in providing training in child protection studies. The path to participants was conducted through insiders who were considered having an influence on groups of SCSB in Cirebon. He was a former street child singer-beggar still having a good relationship with SCSB in Cirebon.

Interviews were only conducted with children becoming participants, although they were complicated to be separated from children who were not participants. To avoid disturbing the interview process, it was conducted in two stages: first, by striving to build attention and awareness of the experiences explored together through casual chatting, playing cards, and talking about their experiences and provoking their field experiences; and second, by deepening the process with specific key informants. This stage was carried out in a specific place they usually gathered, namely, the outskirts of the intercity bus terminal, public cemetery of residents, and corner of a shopping center (Grage Mall Cirebon City).

The interview aimed at exploring children's communication experiences with adults around them with the following opening questions: “What do you do when talking to people around you? Are there any conflicts? If so, how did it begin, and how did it happen? How can communication be done in the event of conflict, such as a prohibition from singing on bus or food stalls between you and adults around you? What words appear most often if you are expelled? What words or phrases hurt the most if you are involved in a conflict? Are there any specific names for certain groups if you are annoyed with them? Are there dominant and specific terms/phrases when you are on the streets when joining your group?”

Additionally, this study implemented observation, although it was not a primary data collection technique. It was just an effort to observe how the situations, contexts, and forms of communication took place in the field. Researchers were directly involved in some street children's activities such as gathering to drink together after singing, chatting when going to sing around the city at night, playing during leisure time, and following them while singing on a bus, in roadside restaurants, and cross roads/traffic. After that, researchers recorded these aspects as part of compiling notes/reflections in the field, enriching the results of the study.

Researchers have studied the songs they sing, both self-made or popular songs. Also, we have compiled a list of words/phrases or slang languages used in groups and utterances for other groups; inventory or list of terms referring to drinks, drugs, and chemicals; and a compiled glossary for typical actions.

Researchers have used secondary data to supplement field studies. Data includes previous research (thesis) with the same research location, UNICEF annual report on child protection in West Java, and planning documents from the West Java Regional Planning Agency and Cirebon City on Child Protection. This document was used to obtain profiles of street buskers and their interactions with social workers, security officers, and NGOs.

To obtain reliable and valid data, data collection was conducted repeatedly for at least eight months. The previous interview's results had been transcribed. Repetition was usually more relaxed and unstructured, considering that children must respond to answers that have been given previously.

Three data processors conducted data processing. One person was in charge in transcribing audio data into text, one person arranged the classification of field data from transcript results, and another person as head of study compiled reflections and field descriptions during data collection by elucidating the interview process, interview settings, photo taking, and interpretation of children's behavior during the interview process.

Data processing utilized two interactive stages. First, data from interviews that had been assumed as complete had been compiled based on the interview date number and research subjects into soft files. Second, the detailed data, according to the source, were reselected following the research questions proposed and arranged by the matrix in rows and in columns according to key informants and to the research questions, respectively. This was performed to check the completeness of the required data. Data processing was carried out with NVivo 10 data analysis software in 2012 to find the main themes, terms, terminologies, trends for certain words/phrases, and relationships between words and other words showing a key informant's experience.

This study was approved by the Research Ethics Commission (KEP) of Padjadjaran University.

Results and discussion

How is the experience of SCSB communication on the street environment with various parties?

Communication actions of street children must be observed directly and indirectly. Through direct observation, activities can be known by following the setting communication in their group, the use of verbal and nonverbal language, and patterns of communication.

The relations of SCSB communication are formed with individuals around them. The lists of individuals who become friends or opponents to such discussions are presented in Table 1.

Table 1

Participants on SCSB communication in cirebon.

No.	Participants	Locations
1	Parents	House and street
2	Group of friends	Street
3	Fellow SCSB (outside)	Terminals and markets
4	Public-order police (Satpol PP/Satuan Polisi Pamong Praja), police, and street army	Street
5	Thugs	Terminals
6	Bus passengers	Bus/terminal

Table 1 shows that street children who work or beg by singing in the streets claim that their communication were built more through contact with family members, groups of gamers, street singers and beggars outside group members, security officers, police and soldiers, thugs, and bus passengers who become objects for them to beg. In their opinion, if it is mapped, the time and frequency of communication are more familiar with family members (parents), gangs, and street singers, not members of the group.

Patterns of communication with parents: from ordering and allowing children to go to the street

The highest intensity of communication with parents occurs when children ask permission to go singing and receive direction from parents while on the street. These actions became daily activities and habits of most children investigated that still have parents. Some parents had given full responsibilities to their children when they go to the streets to earn their living, although some parents told them not to commit stealing, blackmail, pickpocketing, gang fighting, and disturbing public order that may result them to deal with security personnel.

Most of them said that communication with parents is a little shallow. If the communication actions of street children and parents are classified, the results will be obtained as follows:

Positive communication pattern (PCP)

The pattern of parent-child positive relationships is shown by the support of parents (order) to go to the street. This encouragement is inseparable from the profits earned by parents in the form of sum or deposit of money from children from singing in the street. They said, “Mother and father know if I go to the street to beg money because I am used to singing” or “My parents know I go to the street singing!” and “Because of economic life.”

Parental support is also provided in the form of a message that if they sing, it is not permissible to violate the rules—for example, disturbing public order. Often, their parents' messages are expressed as: “Singing in the street is allowed, but be careful, do not take people's things. It will be risky then.”

Neglecting communication pattern (NCP)

It is a mutually indifferent relationship. Both parties have no bond or connection, although both are tied in parent-child relationships. Empty links are entirely impossible; however, parents cannot play their proper role in children's point of view. The consequence is that communication actions that take place are cold and empty. Parents know their children go to the street, but they ignore having their children in the street. A child said, “Daddy never said anything.” Another child said, “It is okay. Just be alone. If I want to do singing, I just continue to do it. If I am asked why, it is because I want to live independently. Parents give me some money, but I seldom ask for money. It is just an ordinary thing. They do not prohibit me or order me.”

Neglecting communication also occurs in children in a divorced family. Children are left stranded while their parents remarry with a distant partner. They leave their children and choose to go with a new husband or wife. Some of the lucky ones are taken care of by family or relatives; however, the unlucky ones are stranded in the streets without a distinct family. If children follow their parents, parents may not be concerned with them because of the busy life of their new household.

Authoritative communication pattern (ACP)

Communication emphasizes the threat message based on the perception of street children. Threats arise from parents and family members (older siblings). Children receive statements with threat, such as, “We go to the street looking for entertainment, begging by singing, having fun, and losing stress rather than being angry at parents because there is no job.”

According to one of the children, one reason for going to the streets is the pressure of being at home. It is better to go to the street than be depressed at home. They were always angry because they do not have any job. A child confesses that his sister is furious if she knows he is going to the streets; he is threatened to be beaten if he is caught singing. According to him, staying at home is merely torture. “There is nothing for me except physical and mental torment.” Additionally, other studies have also shown the same situation in their findings that street children experience heavy pressures when they are at home. They feel wasted from the family because their parents or other family members let them. Even some of them frequently rebuke them with harsh speech [64, 65, 66].

Actions of street children communication: verbal threats in the battle of territory to beatings

The action of fellow SCSB communication took place with their play group or in-group and out-group street children. Conversation among friends in one group is more common after begging and singing or during holidays. When they gather, they share information about income, how to play a musical instrument, choose a song, or consume alcoholic beverages and drugs. Consumption of alcohol and drugs is common in many children after seeking or collecting money from begging and singing. As a result of this study shows that street children are accustomed to consuming alcohol and drugs in their commingling [67, 68].

Their purpose of drinking and taking drugs is to make communication or meeting into a different level of social function. Alcohol and drugs therefore have a social function of creating group cohesiveness and sharing. Even before drinking, they tell riddles to determine who gets to drink first. Also, drinking lets them discover who can stay sober longest before getting drunk. Drinking alcohol and consuming drugs have been a part of a pleasant conversation or chat for street children. Moreover, they are considered raising a sense of solidarity when they are drinking and drunk together [67, 68].

The type of drinks they consume is a local product with alcohol standard that exceeds the threshold and size. The well-known brands include Cap Tikus, Mansion House, and Topi Miring. Also, they have a habit of mixing drinks with soft drinks, energy drinks, or nonbeverage ingredients (fragrance/fabric softener). Meanwhile, the most popular drugs are Napacin (anti-asthma), wood glue/tree bark, and epidemiological medicine or teseng.

The next pattern of communication action is with outside SCSB or friends who are not from their area. Most of their communications contain threats of violence, harassment, and physical contact. This occurs because children suspect outsiders who want to control the area or place that is their primary source of income. The principle that the territory they “possess” is their right causes a takeover by other SCSB. The result of this takeover causes the ongoing communication between SCSB groups to be highly vulnerable to conflicts. Communication actions with outsiders’ groups are dominated by conflict of interest. The following are the usual purposes of communication:

Asking the origin

Asking the origin or area is a street children's opening conversation when they know other SCSB are entering their territory. This action is to break the patterns of subsequent interactions. If these origins are not known from their area, there will be communication conflicts at a more severe degree in a later stage.

Guarding

Guarding is a term for street children when meeting with others while operating. For example, if two street children have the same bus or food stall for singing, then the first comer will be singing first, and the next entering had to wait his turn until the first SCSB finish their song. In escorting, the SCSB who come later will only sing after the former finishes his or her song with the risk of being verbally abused by the passenger or owner of a foodstall.

Being ketrek

Ketrek is the slang language of street children that means to forcibly take the income of street children who enter their area. It is a coercive communication behavior where street children in one area forcibly take the money of other street children who come into their territory. The coercion may be a direct threat of beating or attack by overwhelming numbers. This action is a risk for children who enter to another children'sarea.

Being an annoying person

Being an annoying person is a state of psychological imbalance of street children because of various factors. One cause of being an annoying person is the presence of SCSB who enter their territory or grab their singing area. Psychological conditions of being an annoying person can lead to nonverbal dominant conflict communication. Nonverbal authority includes physical contact such as beating, dragging, and being ketrek by people being annoyed.

Beating or attacking

Beating is a nonverbal communication behavior using physical violence. For street children, the defeat and being beaten is part of their daily life. Beating or being beaten occurs during interactions with street children, thugs, security personnel, and even parents and teachers.

In human civilization, the behavior of beating and being beaten with empty hands is the earliest (conventional) behavior in individual conflicts. Empty-handed fight is a violent language often used by street children [69, 70, 71, 72, 73]. Being defeated for them will always arise when they are faced with an unfavorable situation. Any disputes occur in street children's environment, and a fight between them marks the peak.

Language violence between SCSB and public-order police, police, and army

SCSB has negative perceptions of public-order police, police, and army. Negative attitudes result to communication characterized by violence and rebellion of the victim. Whereas in reality on the ground, the party that directly clashed with the interests of street children is the public-order police who works to keep the peace and order of the city from common “eye sores” like the homeless, beggars, thugs, street vendors, and street children operating on the streets. It is supported by some research reports mentioning that street children have a high hatred against police officers and city's security guards [70, 73, 74, 75].

Negative behavior of children against public-order police emerges because of their treatment in discipline. Security officers usually treat children by rebuking, scolding, beating, or kicking violently. This results to children fighting in the same way they do if public-order police officers catch them. The phenomenon is reflected from children's fear like, “With public-order police, we are used to being chased. If public-order police want to catch us, we will run first. It is a risk being once caught, sir. If public-order police do not beat us, we also do not beat them. But if public-order police use violence, we will do the same as well.”

However, with the police and army personnel, children have no direct contact with other groups while on the streets. If police and army are assigned to maintain the security in an entertainment event or stage by keeping the traffic smooth, thereis often bickering, as street children disturb the discipline. For example, they do not carry entry ticket, enter into a hangout while drunk, or clash with other children.

Almost all children have the same opinion about the police and army. Their negative perceptions are built because communication with them always takes place in violent contexts such as disciplines, evictions, beatings, and trapping of children, most of which are only seen as safeguarding the safety and comfort of the environment.

Negative perceptions and attitudes toward the security apparatus generate a designation or term degrading the security personnel. Below are the following examples:

Wirog or a giant farm rat is a verbal term as a play on the public-order police.

Pung is a verbal term as a play on the police.

Bendi is the verbal term as a play on the police.

Sentar is a verbal term as a play on the army.

According to the children, the terms mentioned above are verbal plays on the acts of public-order police, police, and army personnel during violent communication between them. For example, they were able to compare the volume of punches (pain) received from the three groups (public-order police, police, army) when committing violence. The army has the most potent punch weight among the three. Therefore, the army is the most avoided actor in a commotion or conflict. Children reported that one hit from an army results to swelling of the face.“Once hit jebred, nyonyor or swelling of our lips.”

The word jebred is usually associated with a hard punch, nyonyor is defined as a bruise/swelling of the face, jontor means as swollen lips, crushed, or severe injury because of being hit, while the word betem means to strengthen the level of pain and injury received by children when they are getting punched until the mouth is swollen and one is finally not able to speak.

Communication with thugs: working together, evading, or fighting

The next adult group that clashes with street children's interests are thugs. A thug is a word referring to an actor of thuggery. As an adjective, it means carried by a person acting in the form of thuggery or coercion and violence. Every adult who is on the street and performing an act of concealment can be regarded as a thug, for example, street vendors, fellow street children, singer-beggars, and people who manage the area informally [76, 77]. However, the description in this study is the adult outside the environment of street children singer-beggars; hence, adult SCSB who do thuggery is not categorized in the description as mentioned above.

Communication actions between street children and groups of thugs can be categorized into the following three action groups:

Cooperating

Some SCSB show this form of behavior, especially when they are willing to be controlled by thugs in earning money on the street.

Evading or defeating

This dominant behavior appears on the SCSB, especially when they meet thugs who are outside the area of their singing operation. Even among them, they are willing to give some income to thugs in the form of cigarettes or extra money to buy alcoholic beverages. Another type of defeating behavior is by leaving or avoiding physical conflict. If street children see unfortunate situations, they will prevent crowd or thug groups.

Fighting

A confrontational behavior means that verbal and nonverbal communication put forward efforts to defend them and try to hurt others. However, this condition, according to street children, is only performed when the situation is profitable for them, for example, in terms of the number of people and physical size of the person who wants hostility. Nevertheless, according to an SCSB confession, this effort is greatly avoided. They cling to the principle of not preceding hatred, as in words like“do not start”,“do not be rude”, and “do not be arrogant” or phrases like“if they sell, I buy”, meaning if others invite or start hostility, they will join or fight.

Behavior of communication in a bus from persuading to forcing

The communication of SCSB when singing on a bus or restaurant aims at convincing or persuading bus passengers, drivers, and conductors or people in the restaurant to allow them to sing and beg for money after singing several songs. It is understood that their presence is not expected. They get into a bus or a restaurant with a little bit of force to sing.

The effective communication approach becomes the mainstay of street children. They learn how to build the opening sentence, ask for the opportunity to sing, and say thank-you for the passengers’ time, their willingness to be bothered, and their participation in giving some money as the closing of their performance. Likewise, the apology statement is addressed to the driver and conductor or restaurant owner for disturbing their bus or restaurants. Besides that, they have the creativity to make a persuasive language like adults when they ask for attention or beg for change when singing on a bus or food stall [78, 79].

Persuasive communication with bus passengers usually uses a save-and-safe approach. They come not to disturb but to try to make the journey more comfortable or create the dining atmosphere more fun with their singing chant. Therefore, they assume that singing is not begging. Furthermore, when they get the sympathy from bus passengers or restaurant visitors, they are not reluctant to beg or plead for various reasons. For instance, they would say they have not eaten since the morning or are forced to wait for people to give coinsfor a long time after finishing their singing.

In addition to pleading and appealing for their basic needs, street children take a sympathetic approach to passengers’ needs. A piece of news delivered is usually an appeal for the safety of passengers to keep their luggage or baggage from the bad guys like pick pocketers. The following complete sentences are examples:

Opening phase: “Mr./Mrs. Passenger, Mr. Driver, and Mr. Conductor, we apologize for disturbing you all. We will cheer you up with street singer songs. Watch out for your luggage.”

Singing phase: Sing some songs (at most three songs). Their songs are usually hit songs using a mediocre voice. Sometimes their performance is only perfunctory with musical instruments like ukulele, harmonica, and assembled drum from PVC. Sometimes, they create their songs containing their suffering, as the following passage:

“We are singing at night

Earning money from God bless

Even though if we are disturbing you

Though you are not happy, appreciate us.”

Closing phase: “Ladies and gentlemen, here are the songs from us. If there is a shortage, please forgive us and thank you for your participation. Watch out for your luggage, take care on your destination. Greetings from us, the street singer.” They then collect money with bags of food scraps or snacks by poking each passenger.

While on the bus, even though the street children had performed their best, sometimes they got bad treatment from the driver or conductor for disturbing the order on the bus. The noise they generate, the smell of their sweat, and their own disturbing appearance tend to prevent passengers from sitting on the bus. Likewise, the frequency of street children getting on the bus is adequately high. Sometimes, there will be two groups of SCSB when the bus stops at the terminal. They are always careful to face such conditions not to cause conflicts. “Yes, sometimes. So we have to ask for permission first to the driver so that we will enjoy our performance, just ask for permission in advance. The driver may be afraid if the passengers do not want to get on the bus because of our presence.” “If we are on the bus, sometimes the driver is angry, so we set the condition and observe first. If other SCSB have taken the bus, we just wait for another bus.”

How do the SCSB construct verbal and nonverbal symbols about street behavior?

A symbol is a central part of the communication process where unity of symbols builds interchangeable messages with each other when the communication process takes place. A symbol is always dynamic, as it is being produced, altered, or replaced by human will or wish in harmony with human nature [51, 80]. Humans are the symbol creators with the authority to change messages in their communication process [81, 82].

Similar to SCSB, the dynamics of children groups growing in the streets generate subcultures with uniqueness of symbols used in their communication process. The symbols owned and used by them represent the life on the road, both verbal and nonverbal symbols. They use nonverbal words or symbols artificially and at pleasure by their will and needs on the streets.

Table 2 shows the terms or words from the conversations with street children in relation to conflict of interests with parties or people who have been close to their lives. For instance, the words “cushioned,”“refute/being refuted”, “rolled or being rolled”, and “filled” are related to physical violence they used to face and feel in the streets. The words “being denied”, “massed”, and “moved” are related to physical abuse like being beaten by many people. Meanwhile, “cushioned” is usually associated with habits of street children who often became victims of accusations resulting to physical violence from other parties like security personnel. However, the word ngisi (filled) has a specific meaning often associated with the level of punch by street children, especially from the army.

Table 2

Related words of Violence/Fighting.

No	Words/Terms	Glossary of contents
1	Bantalan (cushioned)	Acts of violence such as hitting or kicking when noisy with enemies or security forces.
2	Refute/being refuted	Hit/being hit continuously.
3	Dimassa (being massed)	We are being attacked by an overwhelming number of people, especially during clashes with children in the regency area or those who own a two-wheeled vehicle (motorcycle gang).
4	Digejok-gejok (being shaken)	Being hit or beaten by security or anyone severely.
5	Roll/being rolled	Being attacked by an overwhelming number of people or fighting together if others attack them.
6	Ngisi (filled)	It describes a hard punch done by officer so that it causes severe injuries such as betem or nyonyor (swollen).
7	Digeret (being dragged)	Being dragged to be beaten by many people.
8	Dicawuk (being grabbed)	Being taken or arrested forcefully without being asked the cause first.
9	Operation	Controlling by security personnel also called garokan.
10	Garokan	Curbing by security personnel conducted to street vendors, beggars and homeless, and singer-beggars/street children.
11	Malak (force money)	Asking money forcibly.
12	Ngetrek/diketrek	Being requested for money forcibly as a counterpart to the word malak; it is usually in the form of extra money to buy something.
13	Dikintilin (being followed)	Being followed to be stripped down or asked for something.
14	Wadul (lie)	Pit to other children to determine the action to be taken on someone (SCSB) who is not a group.
15	Resek/Reseh (being annoying person)	1. Troublesome, usually used to annoy people (showing off/act affected).2. Condition in which children feel sick after drinking or taking drugs.
16	Ngerongin	Glare, addressed to people who do not want to give money at the time they are singing as a hint of anger/resentment.
17	Kirik (puppies)	Puppies is a term commonly used to tease or insult other people or opponents, such as dasar kirik.

Other words or terms also showed violent clashes with certain parties. For example, the word pemalak or malak is an activity conducted by senior SCSB/thugs against street children or their actions against other street children. This word is often interchangeable with ngetrek or diketrek that is also widely used by street children. Furthermore, the word “operation”, garokan, and dicawuk are related to the actions of security personnel to street children. Specifically, the meaning of each word can be seen in Table 2.

If a term or word is grouped, it composes a phrase or a word. The category is arranged based on the meaning of words and their use in the activities of street children. The classifications are as follows:

Words/phrases related to acts of violence or conflicts on the streets

Words/phrases used for calling/mentioning specific people

Words/phrases related to activity of smoking, drinking, and taking drugs

Words/phrases often used for begging and singing in the street

Table 3 shows that the words or terms often found instreet children are related to designations (call) of people who often clash with their interests. Most of these words have negative meanings for the bearer. For example, the expression Wirog is associated with public-order police, meaning arat's name. Furthermore, M'Prit is a slightly demeaning designation to a person who works as a parking attendant around the road side or shopping mall. Meanwhile, Boss is a close/intimate call with a sense of disinclined as to the senior street children singer-beggars, thugs, and passengers who are considered to give coins to them.

Table 3

Words related to people.

No	Terms	Glossary of contents
1	Bendi	A designation for the police.
2	Pung	A designation for the police.
3	Wirog	A designation for public-order police.
4	Sentar	A designation for the army.
5	M'prit	Parking attendant.
6	Preman	A designation for people who have an area acquired through violence.
7	Boss	A designation for senior SCSBor senior thugs.

Bendi and Pung addressed tothe police, Sentar to army, and Thugs to adults who often interact violently at words associated with more negative than positive meaning. The specific meanings of these words can be read in the table below.

Table 4 shows some words found and related to smoking, drinking, and taking drugs. Fourteen words were collected and were familiar to SCSB. Almost all these words or terms have a strong level of understanding (similarity of meaning) among SCSB groups. Thus, these words are commonly used by groups of street children, although every group of street children has their favorite drugs or beverages.

Table 4

Words related to smoking activities, drinking, and drug consumption.

No	Terms	Glossary of contents
1	Joling	Cigarettes
2	Nokib	Drink, as a verb to invite drinking
3	Giting	Drunk to severe
4	Ngejamu	Drinking alcohol to lose the feeling of weariness or fatigue
5	Keak	Herb, the name for a group of alcoholic beverages sold on the store overhang (cheap class)
6	AM	A designation to drink Red Wine brand
7	AO/OT	A designation for Orang Tua Wine brand
8	Trihek	Trihexyphenidyl, a type of pill
9	Rajawali	One of a cheap sort brand or sold on the store overhang
10	Tahu/Teseng	Adverb to explain when they are taking Trihexyphenidyl (Trihek) brand
11	Zenit	Pill/drug brand
12	Destron/Destrong	Pill/drug brand
13	Ngelem	Verb, to inhale rubber cement glue (for shoes)
14	Ketas	A word describing the acid taste in the mouth if they do not smoke after having a meal

Those seven words indicated the type of drug and beverage brand such as AM for Anggur Merah (Red Wine), AO/OT for Orang Tua, Trihek for Trihexyphenidyl, Rajawali, Zenit, and Destron. Meanwhile, other words are adverbs and verbs commonly used by street children, such as nokib, a verb that means to drink. If it is applied in the phrase, “Per nokib per”, it means “Let's go drinking. “Giting means overdose because of drinking, as in the sentence, “Sira aja minum banyak, ntar giting”, which means “Don't drink too much, you will get drunk badly.”

Table 5 shows some words commonly used by street children in connection with street activities. Most of these words are not only specific to them but also found or used in everyday conversation with other citizens. However, when street children used words, their meaning became specific or had narrowed the definition to one particular condition. For example, the word concert is commonly used for high band performances in open or closed fields. For SCSB, concert is to go busking on the bus or in restaurants.

Table 5

Words related to singing in the street.

No	Terms	Glossary of contents
1	Sali	Money
2	Godong	Leaves; commonly used for teasing coins that are not enough to pay the street children singer-beggars
3	Kieng-kiengan	Whatever they like
4	Konser	Some terms for singing or earning money by singing in the street
5	Kedepan	Go for singing; almost the same as concert
6	Mekaya	Earning money by singing-begging, being a porter or player in other activities
7	GBR	Gawe bareng; working together to earn money on the street (lots of friends)
8	Bongo	Musical instrument composed of a parallel pipe (PVC) with rubber tire in motorcycle
9	Cak Rata	Divided in fair, especially for the usual street children who usually sing
10	Ditanggap	Song request for the SCSB from passengers or people who are eating in the restaurant
11	Ngawal	Waiting for their turn tosing on the bus
12	Balungan	Singing in the place of another person, usually after guarding others while singing
13	Jaluk/jaluki	Asked/requested; the activity of collecting money after singing to passengers or people in pecel stalls (Army asked for money; don't ask money from them. If they are asked for money, they will be furious.)
14	Kolek/Ngolek	Collecting money after singing to passengers or people at the pecel (Javanese salad) stalls (Don't ask for money from the army.If they are asked for money, they will be furious.)
15	Ditebas	A designation for places/buses, usually if SCSB ask other SCSB whether the place is already taken or not, they will say, “Boss, has this place been cut yet?”
16	Dikoping	Being copied; about the song sung by street children; they learn to copy a song; its root word is copy.
17	Tengsin	Lack of confidence
18	Ngeteng	Ride in vehicles, especially buses without paying
19	Joki	Helping others, like jockey umbrellas when it rains
20	Cipokan	Behavior when dating or associating with the opposite sex
21	Grepean	Behavior when dating or associating with the opposite sex
22	Mesantren	A designation or term for a child who has been in jail because of a crime
23	Pristel	A designation for attraction/style of motorcycle gang children; from the word freestyle
24	Nyetak	A signal if there is an officer by clicking the tongue to produce the sound tak

Similarly, the word ke depan (go forward) has no real meaning for going forward for various activities but for going to sing. Furthermore, the term kawal (guarding) is absorbed into the verb ngawal (guard). The word kawal/ngawal is used to mean soldiers or army who maintain security or leadership at the time of activity. The term ngawal is used not to guard the safety of friends or seniors but to wait for other street SCSB who are singing to get their turn. It means finding a fortune from someone else's leftovers. This condition is also called nyari balungan (seeking bones).

Nevertheless, among these words, some have extensive meaning as a result of creative process in the daily lives of street children. For example, to show a song request, they use the word ditanggap (being responded to), as in the sentence,“Mas ditanggap mas, pira selagune?” that means “Sir, please, sir. How much money for one song?” Likewise, godong, means leaf sheets on the trees used to wrap food. For the SCSB, the word godong is used to mention people who give coins like 100 or 200 rupiahs with a cynical tone. It is applied in the sentence, “Gaya wae pake mobil, bayar pengamen pake godong”, which means “Having a high style by driving a car but paying coins to SCSB.” This sentence means teasing people who bring a private car but only give 100 or 200 rupiahs to SCSB. Other words related to the activities of SCSB can be seen in the Table 5.

Generally, those were the unique words of street children as a form of symbolization of reality they are facing. Street children performed the creative process of producing and updating every word according to what is needed in their daily lives. The words were understood and explained with purpose and interest in their real lives. They used those words every day and showed the meaning desired built together, even without the logical argument between the word and meaning. They create words/phrases/terms arbitrarily, even artificially for the sake of communication needs between them. The aim is to maintain group integrity and exclusivity, and at the same time, build resilience while on the streets [69, 82, 83].

On the other hand, nonverbal symbols were not recorded much in their conversation. The reason is that children have limitations in describing nonverbal symbols on one side, and researcher have difficulty in capturing their intentions when interviewing on the other side. Nevertheless, on the field, some types of nonverbal messages were found, such as how to shake, a command to escape, accessories to use by street children, and the like. Given the small number of nonverbal messages, it was not sufficient to compile adequate empirical data.

Discussion

There is uniqueness in communication behavior taking place within a subculture. Participants in communication have unique experiences, backgrounds, values, and expectations that are not frequently obtained in the context of dominant culture [18, 27, 40]. Therefore, communication behavior in a subculture within a dominant culture is likely to create meaningful difficulties because the values and principles between members of the subculture and owner of the dominant culture are different [84]. Street children, as members of the street culture, have experienced communication failures because of their habits that conflict with dominant cultural values. The situation arises because each subculture or subgroup is in a broader cultural sphere. The range of experiences, backgrounds, values, and hopes created in street subculture is often at odds with the dominant culture [15, 27].

The communication actions of SCSB were frequently more marked by violent communication between street children and parents, street children and bus drivers/conductors, street children and security forces, and—the most difficult—their in-group and out-groups. The violent communication itself is triggered because of differences in interests that had been perceived by both groups. This was confirmed by the results of a study in Nigeria and South Africa that when children were on the streets, they had to share the territory with millions of adults, bullies, and criminal children [24, 85].

The communication environment of SCSB does not support their growth and development. The problem begins with the thrown-away children from parental communication. The form of SCSB communication patterns with parents as the main factors influencing their personalities are not perfect. Parents determine the personality development and success of children to build relationships with the broader environment. This conclusion is demonstrated by Ambelu et al.‘s research in Ethiopia [86]. This research found a little definite pattern of communication between children and parents. Parents have let their children wander for quite a long time on the streets. Parents build relationships that allow (not to take responsibility) growth for their children. Even some parents have used the results of children's busking for their interests. Children often complain that their parents are not responsible and only take advantage of the results of their singing on the streets. Even their parents considered that their children are useless.

Factors like poverty, low education, and broken homes cause the loss of parental role. Children are thrown from family communication circle, and because of this, their basic needs for physical and social development are not met. Finally, family problems have a chain effect. This effect is seen in a research in Indonesia on children with HIV when children have relations with the outside world. Extended families do not accept the former because of stigma [87].

According to developmental theory, a child will create a structure of communication actions such as negativism, aggression, quarreling, teasing, hate utterance, cooperation, ascendant, selfishness, and sympathy [88]. The behavior will persist and become more widespread if they do not get parental and school guidance. This case occurs in SCSB with such interactions with their environment. Such awareness projections are shown in the communication actions with fellow group buskers and not members of the group. They have developed cohesive and stable communication within in-groups on one hand. However, they have carried out aggression, humiliation, bullying, and verbal and nonverbal insults against out-group loudly. Also, they assumed that SCSB, who opened out-groups, must be expelled, become enemies, and fight. This statement was consistent with several other studies about the negativity of the world constructed by the street children [89, 90, 91, 92]. In such circumstances, they need guidance from parents, schools, and other institutions to suppress their emotions and hatred for the outside world [93].

Children's hatred is carried out not only to non-group children but alsoto security officers (police and public-order police). They have a projection of awareness to hate security officers for various reasons. However, they have a strong impression of officers. As a form of hatred, children make hate phrases/idioms that show hostility dynamically and latently. Likewise, SCSBperceived themselves as rioters and rule offenders in the eyes of security personnel.

The formation of these prejudices is the result of mutual interaction. Children have been treated harshly and brutally during city and public space control by police officers; therefore, they have reason to block officers. Chanprasertpinyo's research on children in Thailand has the same conclusion [94, 95]. It is also intriguing that street children's negative perceptions about the outside world were the same as those constructed by adults in their environment [96].

The dynamics of SCSB communication experience reinforces the assumption of symbolic interactionism theory regarding the origin of meaning of the object in social interaction. According to the theory, meaning does not originate from closed mental processes but comes from broad and dynamic interactions [97, 98]. The proposition is not how the mental processes of humans create meaning and symbols of hatred but on how children learn hatred from the outside world during the process of self-socialization [25]. Furthermore, reality construction theory explains that when children interact with the environment, they perceive their surroundings subjectively [99, 100]. Children's actions will depend on the results of these perceptions. If they get love, they have compassion; if they get violence, then they will hate. This is confirmed by Kalvaitis and Mondhart's research [101].

The explanation of the two theories was also supported by findings of communication of children with thugs. Hate phrases or expressions of hatred toward street thugs (adults) are hard to find. Children have relationships and communication that tend to be harmonious with thugs. They try to work together and avoid conflict. Besides, children declared that thugs do not interfere with their activities while on the road and bus terminal. The harmonious reciprocal relationship caused children not to make verbal phrases of hatred toward street thugs. Children have an awareness that thugs have authority regarding their security during busking. Oino and Auya declared that their communication act was an effort of resilience and self-defense of children significantly [102].

The looking-glass self theory stated that the way a person builds social interaction role depends on the pattern of perception of the social world [31, 103, 104]. The three steps of the self-mirror formation process through understanding according to Cooley can be used to explain street children's communication. The first step is the SCSB'sperceptionof how they perceive others. In children'sinteraction and communication, every contact with persons on the street is determined by the way children see the “world” (perceiving) around them. If other people do bad things, children will play a role or bring themselves to be seen as useful by others. For example, they were accustomed to saying thank-you while bowing after singing. The second step is their perceptions of judgments about how others perceive. Children were perceived as people with potential. However, children were able to “see” others' perception when meeting other people. They could read whether people around them had a positive or negative perspective on them. For example, they knew everyone's character and how otherssee them. They were also aware of being SCSB and knew how people see them around. The third step is their feelings about judgment. In this case, street children also had had a sense of sensitivity in interacting with the outside world and developed stereotypes about individuals and environment them.

Articulating the communication behaviors of SCSB with this theory can be summarized in committing an act of communication; children see how people judged them and how they brought the reality of the street to them. The primary variable mediating the outside world and their communication behavior was the perception developed by them. They carried out open communication behaviors to others because they perceived the outside world as what it is [103, 105, 106]. Meanwhile, according to Welzer et al. and Joseph, by using the ideas of Lewin and Heider, the process of perception or meaning affecting the actions or behaviors of communication depends on past experiences, religions, values, and norms [107, 108].

This study proposes a fundamental concept of active self-reflection (ASR) from children based on the results of SCSB research and confirmation with the theories used. This concept is called ASR because children capture anything from the outside world from the effects of their interactions. They try to look back at the experience and draw lessons for themselves and continue with the preparation of an action plan to reduce the gap that still exists between expectations and reality. The concept of ASR is not entirely complete with the looking-glass self from Cooley because the actors observed are children. The position of children in social processes is unequal individuals; they enter the world of adults, and they think and experience like adults. Imagine a cat seeing its reflection as a tiger in a mirror. Children perceive themselves the same as adults who are responsible for their needs.

The ASR is a dynamic and reciprocal process so that it can be called an active self-reflection of SCSB. One of the children's expressions in communication actions influenced by their perceptions was their ability to produce, use, and interpret phrases/words creatively. Those phrases or words were used in daily conversation with unique meaning and particular settings, situations, or contexts appropriate with their expectation. This expectation was to vent all intentions, hatred, pleasures, and expressions of hostility or friendship, although it was certainly accompanied by nonverbal language suitable to emphasize or strengthen its meaning. However, because of the difficulty to write nonverbal communication, this study only recorded verbal expressions.

The use of language can be seen from the diversity of individual and social aspects. The interaction between personal and social factors gives rise to language uniqueness. Unique social backgrounds, such as the community of street children, influenced the way people produced and used language [109, 110].

Although analyzing language is very satisfying as a system where the function of linguistic variables depends on other linguistic symptoms, it is essential to realize that language is used by humans who are members of particular societies, and each of which has a distinctive culture. There is a tendency that individuals differ in how they use language.

The SCSB built communication behaviors through verbal and nonverbal language inseparable from the way they and the people around them interpreted each other. This process of meaning that is reciprocal in the street reality could once again be explained by SCSB who performed various interactions with several parties. Hetherington and Parke said about Piaget's cognitive theory that children play an active role in organizing their knowledge of reality [111].

Children are not passive in receiving information from the environment. The processes and conceptions of children's thoughts about reality have been modified by their experiences [112, 113]. Children play an active role in interpreting the information obtained from experiences and adapting it to knowledge and conceptions about the world they already have. Therefore, the way children change and interpret objects and events around them is typical [113, 114, 115]. The examples are how children learn the characteristics and functions of objects and how they learn to classify objects to find similarities and differences, understand the causes of changes in objects, and form estimates about the objects and events [111].

The SCSB showed the proposition of the development of various unique phrases and words used to reflect events, experiences, action effects, and even their anger on the environment, adults, fellow SCSB, and even parents who had been not responsible for taking care of them. Meanwhile, the production of words, phrases, or other language behaviors was frequently difficult for others to understand because they did it in playful situations and arbitrary manners, and it did not show a logical relationship between the used words/phrases and their true meaning.

Based on the proportion arrangement results, the thoughts proposed to help SCSB in Indonesia must start from the idea that street children have a self-definition and choose a progressive self role in responding to situations that do not benefit them. Therefore, to the related institutions, the formulation of child protection and welfare strategies consider the condition of development of street children who have reached psychological and social maturity more.

Training the families of street children should be a part of the priority in attracting the street children from non-protective environments. The program to strengthen the family economy will have a strong influence on handling street children. Returning the street children to their families using violence, coercion, and conflict strategies will not solve the problem.

Managing street children through child care nurseries (CCN) and child protection houses (CPH) has not solved a significant problem in reducing the number of street children. In this case, the number of CCN and CPH is not proportional to the growth of the number of street children. Besides, the developed strategies appeared to create a new “family” separating children from their core family. It is necessary to try classification in handling the case of street children concerning their family condition [85, 86]. The rehabilitation program should be based on a strong effort to balance the communication behavior of street children. Therefore, the promotor must have insight into the habits of street children in carrying out their profession [116].

The government needs to make efforts based on changes in street children's point of view about alms. Alms from pilgrims are considered something that lightens and delights the children in earning money. They need to understand that getting money by begging will not help them from disability. Alms money has made them “being contented” and denied the hard work of earning a living.

Conclusions

This study concludes several important points following the exposure that has been presented previously:

The growth and development of children are socially influenced by environmental factors. The environment is a source of inspiration for children to learn and act. SCSB grow and develop in poverty and inability of parents, and they live in an environment that does not support growth and development ideally. They had different communication experiences with children of their age that are growing up in a conducive environment. Their communication experiences were influenced by open and uncompromising environmental factors. High and sensitive competition and conflict issues emerge, making them adapt to communication styles and strategies of adults and avoiding conflicts with security personnel (public-order police). They chose zones with out-group children. All these styles and strategies were orientations toward self-defense and survival.

In interacting with the street world, SCSB had developed and constructed various creative phrases and words (verbal and nonverbal communication). They actively carried out the process of thinking and their concept of reality modified for their interests in defending themselves and maintaining their survival while on the streets. They actively interpreted their experiences and adapted them so that they became knowledgeable about their social world. Therefore, the way children adapted and interpreted objects and events around them was unique. This process resulted in abundant words, phrases, and nonverbal languages in their daily communication. Their verbal and nonverbal expressions were created artificially and arbitrarily in developing and maintaining their social relationships.

Declarations

Author contribution statement

Atwar Bajari: Conceived and designed the study; Performed the study; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Wrote the paper.

Engkus Koeswarno: Conceived and designed the study; Contributed analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.

Funding statement

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Competing interest statement

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Additional information

No additional information is available for this paper.